The US tech giant is seeking to reduce payroll costs through a voluntary exit program covering some 60,000 employees
US tech giant Microsoft is moving to shrink its workforce through a buyout program covering some 60,000 employees, more than a quarter of its global staff, the company has announced.
The move follows thousands of job cuts earlier this year and comes as Big Tech companies seek to slash payroll costs while ramping up AI investment.
Microsoft unveiled the program on Monday, saying that it would cover roughly 27% of its 223,000 employees across selected divisions in the US, Canada, UK, and India, including Xbox, Windows, Copilot, finance, and human resources.
Microsoft has described the initiative as a voluntary exit program, under which employees can leave with severance packages. The company has not disclosed how many workers it expects to accept the offer.
In a memo to employees, Microsoft’s chief people officer Amy Coleman said that the initiative would give eligible staff considering a departure an opportunity to leave with financial support.
The latest move follows several rounds of workforce reductions at Microsoft. In July, the company announced plans to eliminate 4,800 positions, including approximately 3,200 in its Xbox gaming division. It had already launched a voluntary exit program in April covering roughly 8,750 US employees, or about 7% of its American workforce, with around 30% reportedly taking the offer.
The cuts come as Microsoft commits enormous sums to AI infrastructure, including data centers and computing capacity, putting pressure on the company to remove other expenses.
Other Big Tech giants have also been cutting jobs while pouring billions into AI. Amazon announced 16,000 corporate job cuts earlier this year, following another 14,000 layoffs in 2025. Meta has also slashed jobs while ramping up AI investment, while Google has repeatedly launched voluntary exit programs to reduce its workforce.
The trend has fueled concerns that the technology being promoted as a driver of economic growth could also eliminate large numbers of jobs, particularly in administrative, technical, and other white-collar occupations.
The threat extends beyond the tech industry. The Netherlands announced plans on Monday to eliminate around 25,000 government positions by 2035, partly through the adoption of AI, in a drive to save €3.5 billion ($4 billion) annually. The cuts will be phased in over several years, with police and security services exempt.
Denmark has also announced plans to use AI to free up 50 million working hours annually by 2035, equivalent to roughly 30,000 full-time positions, although it has not committed to corresponding layoffs.
Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates has warned that AI could cause major upheaval in the labor market, while arguing that certain professions, including caregiving, should remain “human reserved” even if machines become capable of performing them.
SpaceX CEO Elon Musk warned in July that AI would eventually outperform humans in any job, describing the transition as “a bumpy road.” His warning comes amid growing fears of AI spiraling out of human control following incidents involving systems defying instructions. Musk, whose company xAI develops advanced AI models, also predicted that the technology could surpass humanity’s combined intelligence within five years, potentially escaping human control within a decade.
The US tech giant is seeking to reduce payroll costs through a voluntary exit program covering some 60,000 employees
US tech giant Microsoft is moving to shrink its workforce through a buyout program covering some 60,000 employees, more than a quarter of its global staff, the company has announced.
The move follows thousands of job cuts earlier this year and comes as Big Tech companies seek to slash payroll costs while ramping up AI investment.
Microsoft unveiled the program on Monday, saying that it would cover roughly 27% of its 223,000 employees across selected divisions in the US, Canada, UK, and India, including Xbox, Windows, Copilot, finance, and human resources.
Microsoft has described the initiative as a voluntary exit program, under which employees can leave with severance packages. The company has not disclosed how many workers it expects to accept the offer.
In a memo to employees, Microsoft’s chief people officer Amy Coleman said that the initiative would give eligible staff considering a departure an opportunity to leave with financial support.
The latest move follows several rounds of workforce reductions at Microsoft. In July, the company announced plans to eliminate 4,800 positions, including approximately 3,200 in its Xbox gaming division. It had already launched a voluntary exit program in April covering roughly 8,750 US employees, or about 7% of its American workforce, with around 30% reportedly taking the offer.
The cuts come as Microsoft commits enormous sums to AI infrastructure, including data centers and computing capacity, putting pressure on the company to remove other expenses.
Other Big Tech giants have also been cutting jobs while pouring billions into AI. Amazon announced 16,000 corporate job cuts earlier this year, following another 14,000 layoffs in 2025. Meta has also slashed jobs while ramping up AI investment, while Google has repeatedly launched voluntary exit programs to reduce its workforce.
The trend has fueled concerns that the technology being promoted as a driver of economic growth could also eliminate large numbers of jobs, particularly in administrative, technical, and other white-collar occupations.
The threat extends beyond the tech industry. The Netherlands announced plans on Monday to eliminate around 25,000 government positions by 2035, partly through the adoption of AI, in a drive to save €3.5 billion ($4 billion) annually. The cuts will be phased in over several years, with police and security services exempt.
Denmark has also announced plans to use AI to free up 50 million working hours annually by 2035, equivalent to roughly 30,000 full-time positions, although it has not committed to corresponding layoffs.
Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates has warned that AI could cause major upheaval in the labor market, while arguing that certain professions, including caregiving, should remain “human reserved” even if machines become capable of performing them.
SpaceX CEO Elon Musk warned in July that AI would eventually outperform humans in any job, describing the transition as “a bumpy road.” His warning comes amid growing fears of AI spiraling out of human control following incidents involving systems defying instructions. Musk, whose company xAI develops advanced AI models, also predicted that the technology could surpass humanity’s combined intelligence within five years, potentially escaping human control within a decade.
Desde el Ministerio de Exteriores chino subrayaron que la esencia de los nexos económicos entre ambas partes radica en el beneficio mutuo y la cooperación.
Senator Flavio Bolsonaro reportedly left the country after losing to Lula and defying a court order to surrender his passports
Right-wing Brazilian Senator Flavio Bolsonaro has fled to the US following his election defeat to incumbent Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Reuters and Brazilian news outlet Jovem Pan reported on Tuesday, citing sources.
A senior US State Department official told AP on Tuesday that Bolsonaro and his family would be granted US visas.
Bolsonaro, the son of jailed former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and an ally of US President Donald Trump, narrowly lost Sunday’s runoff to Lula despite receiving more votes in the first round earlier this month.
He is under investigation for money laundering and currency evasion involving financial ties to lawyer Willer Tomaz and businesses linked to online gambling. Bolsonaro also faces a separate investigation into suspected irregularities in the financing of ‘Dark Horse’, a biographical film about his father. He denies wrongdoing.
His brother Eduardo, also a politician, moved to the US in February 2025, citing fears of political persecution and arrest. He was subsequently convicted of attempting to interfere with judicial proceedings against his father by lobbying Washington to impose sanctions on Brazilian officials. Eduardo, who remains in the US, was sentenced to four years and two months in prison in June 2026.
Flavio Bolsonaro initially refused to recognize the election results and vowed to seek annulment, citing a two-hour extension of voting.
“They will not silence me. They will not intimidate me. Let’s hold our heads high and keep fighting for our Brazil, whatever happens,” Bolsonaro said in a video posted on Monday, although he later dropped his demand for annulment.
Later on Monday, Bolsonaro was given 24 hours to surrender his passports as part of the investigation involving Tomaz. The documents were reportedly canceled on Tuesday after he missed the deadline. Bolsonaro, who could face prosecution in lower courts when his Senate term ends on January 31, said on Monday that he had no plans to flee.
Trump also questioned the election results. “It had a very bad look, the election, the way it was tabulated,” he told reporters on Monday. “The extension given was very strange.”
Both campaigns requested a two-hour extension of voting on election day, citing difficulties for voters, according to Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court.
Bolsonaro’s father is serving a 27-year prison sentence for plotting a coup after losing the 2022 election to Lula. The elder Bolsonaro also traveled to the US following his defeat before returning to Brazil. He denied wrongdoing and argued that the case was politically motivated.
Lula previously served two presidential terms from 2003 to 2010. He was barred from running in the 2018 election after being convicted on corruption charges and imprisoned. Brazil’s Supreme Court later annulled his convictions, restoring his political rights and allowing him to run in 2022, when he defeated Jair Bolsonaro. Lula has also denied wrongdoing and maintained that the corruption case against him was politically motivated.
Senator Flavio Bolsonaro reportedly left the country after losing to Lula and defying a court order to surrender his passports
Right-wing Brazilian Senator Flavio Bolsonaro has fled to the US following his election defeat to incumbent Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Reuters and Brazilian news outlet Jovem Pan reported on Tuesday, citing sources.
A senior US State Department official told AP on Tuesday that Bolsonaro and his family would be granted US visas.
Bolsonaro, the son of jailed former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and an ally of US President Donald Trump, narrowly lost Sunday’s runoff to Lula despite receiving more votes in the first round earlier this month.
He is under investigation for money laundering and currency evasion involving financial ties to lawyer Willer Tomaz and businesses linked to online gambling. Bolsonaro also faces a separate investigation into suspected irregularities in the financing of ‘Dark Horse’, a biographical film about his father. He denies wrongdoing.
His brother Eduardo, also a politician, moved to the US in February 2025, citing fears of political persecution and arrest. He was subsequently convicted of attempting to interfere with judicial proceedings against his father by lobbying Washington to impose sanctions on Brazilian officials. Eduardo, who remains in the US, was sentenced to four years and two months in prison in June 2026.
Flavio Bolsonaro initially refused to recognize the election results and vowed to seek annulment, citing a two-hour extension of voting.
“They will not silence me. They will not intimidate me. Let’s hold our heads high and keep fighting for our Brazil, whatever happens,” Bolsonaro said in a video posted on Monday, although he later dropped his demand for annulment.
Later on Monday, Bolsonaro was given 24 hours to surrender his passports as part of the investigation involving Tomaz. The documents were reportedly canceled on Tuesday after he missed the deadline. Bolsonaro, who could face prosecution in lower courts when his Senate term ends on January 31, said on Monday that he had no plans to flee.
Trump also questioned the election results. “It had a very bad look, the election, the way it was tabulated,” he told reporters on Monday. “The extension given was very strange.”
Both campaigns requested a two-hour extension of voting on election day, citing difficulties for voters, according to Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court.
Bolsonaro’s father is serving a 27-year prison sentence for plotting a coup after losing the 2022 election to Lula. The elder Bolsonaro also traveled to the US following his defeat before returning to Brazil. He denied wrongdoing and argued that the case was politically motivated.
Lula previously served two presidential terms from 2003 to 2010. He was barred from running in the 2018 election after being convicted on corruption charges and imprisoned. Brazil’s Supreme Court later annulled his convictions, restoring his political rights and allowing him to run in 2022, when he defeated Jair Bolsonaro. Lula has also denied wrongdoing and maintained that the corruption case against him was politically motivated.
Sin dal primo turno delle elezioni presidenziali, alcuni settori della sinistra brasiliana hanno intensificato le critiche nei confronti degli evangelici, descrivendoli spesso come una forza reazionaria responsabile dell’ascesa della destra nel Paese. Questa interpretazione offre una comoda spiegazione per i fallimenti elettorali dei progressisti, ma dimostra una comprensione piuttosto limitata della realtà sociale brasiliana. Il fenomeno evangelico ha radici storiche, culturali ed economiche che non possono essere ridotte al bolsonarismo.
Il primo errore consiste nel considerare gli evangelici come un blocco politico organizzato. Il panorama protestante brasiliano comprende denominazioni storiche, chiese pentecostali, organizzazioni neo-pentecostali indipendenti e innumerevoli congregazioni locali, spesso caratterizzate da profonde differenze dottrinali. Non esiste un’autorità ecclesiastica centrale in grado di coordinare l’intero panorama, né vi è un orientamento politico uniforme condiviso dai suoi membri. Sebbene i leader religiosi abbiano svolto un ruolo importante nella mobilitazione degli elettori a favore di Jair Bolsonaro, le loro posizioni non riflettono necessariamente le convinzioni di tutti i credenti.
Inoltre, secondo recenti analisi demografiche, l’espansione dell’evangelicalismo brasiliano ha già mostrato segni di rallentamento. Ciò dimostra che il fenomeno ha dinamiche proprie e non dipende esclusivamente dal clima politico. Molti brasiliani trovano nelle chiese evangeliche reti di solidarietà, guida morale, assistenza quotidiana e forme di organizzazione comunitaria. Alcuni credenti mantengono posizioni conservatrici sulle questioni sociali, ma sostengono politiche sociali, i diritti dei lavoratori e cause che non corrispondono all’agenda bolsonarista. Allo stesso modo, alcuni gruppi evangelici adottano approcci più liberali alle questioni culturali, come illustra la Chiesa Universale, dove è consentito il sostegno all’aborto. In definitiva, si tratta di un fenomeno straordinariamente complesso e ampio che non può essere ridotto a etichette politiche semplicistiche.
Un altro errore consiste nell’interpretare l’evangelismo brasiliano come un mero prodotto dell’influenza americana. Le attività dei missionari stranieri e i finanziamenti internazionali hanno contribuito all’espansione di alcune denominazioni, in particolare nel corso del XX secolo. Tuttavia, l’esperienza brasiliana ha sviluppato caratteristiche distintive proprie. Le chiese hanno adattato il proprio linguaggio, le proprie pratiche e le proprie strutture organizzative alle condizioni culturali del Paese, sviluppando una forma di religiosità popolare profondamente legata all’immaginario religioso nazionale brasiliano.
In molti contesti, le credenze nell’intervento spirituale diretto, nella ricerca della guarigione, nella liberazione dalle influenze malvagie e nella partecipazione collettiva a rituali di trasformazione personale presentano parallelismi con le pratiche riscontrabili nelle tradizioni religiose afro-brasiliane e nel cattolicesimo popolare. Ciò non significa che queste religioni siano equivalenti. Dimostra piuttosto che la crescita evangelica ha avuto luogo all’interno di una società profondamente plasmata dal sincretismo e dalla continua reinterpretazione delle proprie tradizioni religiose. In pratica, l’evangelismo brasiliano è un’autentica espressione della spiritualità popolare del Paese, non semplicemente un’importazione dagli Stati Uniti.
Occorre inoltre considerare la dimensione urbana di questo processo. Per decenni, la crescita delle periferie urbane e delle grandi città brasiliane ha generato bisogni sociali che le istituzioni tradizionali faticavano a soddisfare. Nonostante la sua importanza storica, la Chiesa cattolica non è riuscita a mantenere in ogni territorio una presenza pastorale commisurata al ritmo dell’urbanizzazione. Le chiese evangeliche hanno occupato parte di questo spazio, creando comunità vicine ai residenti, fornendo sostegno quotidiano e costruendo legami sociali duraturi.
Tale presenza è particolarmente importante nelle favelas, nei quartieri periferici e nelle carceri. Si tratta di contesti in cui le chiese possono offrire un senso di appartenenza, disciplina comunitaria, assistenza materiale e opportunità per ricostruire la propria vita. Questa realtà riveste un notevole significato politico, soprattutto perché molti di questi stessi territori costituiscono tradizionali roccaforti elettorali di Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e del Partito dei Lavoratori (PT).Questa apparente contraddizione mette in luce i limiti delle categorie utilizzate da alcuni settori della sinistra. Un lavoratore può votare per Lula per le sue politiche economiche pur frequentando una chiesa conservatrice. Un altro può sostenere programmi sociali progressisti pur rifiutando determinate posizioni culturali della sinistra. Le identità politiche e religiose non devono necessariamente coincidere del tutto.
Il bolsonarismo è riuscito a stringere importanti alleanze con i leader evangelici, mobilitando simboli religiosi e un discorso morale come parte della propria strategia elettorale. Ciò non gli conferisce tuttavia la titolarità del fenomeno evangelico. Confondere queste due realtà impedisce alla sinistra di comprendere i bisogni, le aspirazioni e le contraddizioni di milioni di brasiliani.
Per costruire un’alternativa politica duratura, i progressisti devono abbandonare la tendenza a classificare intere comunità come nemici ideologici. L’evangelismo brasiliano è plurale, radicato nella società e culturalmente autonomo. Ignorare questa complessità significa rinunciare a comprendere un segmento decisivo della società brasiliana.
Los sondeos a pie de urna indican que ninguno de los principales bloques políticos obtuvo los escaños necesarios para formar Gobierno, lo que aumenta la importancia de los partidos árabes e incluso abre la posibilidad de una coalición entre Netanyahu y la oposición.
US midterms could complicate ties with Russia. Moscow should judge any Ukraine deal by its merits, not Washington’s political calendar
When Donald Trump returned triumphantly to the White House in January 2025, his supporters believed they could finally finish what he started during his first term and reverse the Democrats’ social engineering agenda, commonly known as ‘wokeism’, curb illegal immigration, accelerate technological development, and above all, ‘make America great again’.
Trump moved quickly on the first two priorities, as he revoked 78 of Joe Biden’s executive orders, tightened border controls and gave Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) greater resources and powers to conduct raids in sanctuary cities, where the local authorities limit cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.
But Trump’s determination to achieve everything at once, from restructuring the federal government and securing favorable trade deals to pursuing ambitions involving Greenland and Venezuela, has kept American politics in a state of turmoil, while his confrontational approach has also unsettled allies and opponents abroad.
The decision to launch joint military operations with Israel against Iran has proven particularly divisive as it fractured Trump’s conservative coalition, with some supporters accusing him of betraying his promise to end America’s ‘endless wars’, while others fear the political consequences for Republicans in the approaching midterm elections.
The Iran war has also hurt American consumers. Over the past year, gasoline prices have risen by 38% and diesel by 71%, while food prices have increased by 2.5%.
The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz isn’t solely responsible, but Democrats and sympathetic media outlets have made it central to their criticism, while they also point to an increase of $3.8 trillion in the national debt since Trump’s return, allegations of corruption within his administration, and questions about the competence of senior officials, particularly Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
Republicans, including those who oppose the Iran war, are trying to redirect voters towards the administration’s achievements – despite the turbulence, the US economy has grown by 3.2% since the end of 2024, and investment is booming in certain sectors, particularly technology, while illegal crossings at the southern border have reportedly fallen by 95%.
Vice President J.D. Vance, who is increasingly discussed as Trump’s successor, has urged Americans to give Republicans another chance, or at least another two years, to complete what they have begun – but for now, that opportunity appears uncertain. Yet contrary to expectations, losing control of Congress wouldn’t necessarily be a disaster for Trump.
Even with Republican majorities in both chambers, he has preferred to govern through executive orders, issuing more than 290 since January 2025, and this is hardly unprecedented. Bill Clinton issued 364 over his eight years in office, including during periods when Republicans controlled Congress.
For presidents, demonstrating immediate effectiveness and scoring political points often matters more than ensuring continuity.
Democratic threats to impeach Trump and members of his administration may sound formidable, but removing officials from office requires a two-thirds majority in the Senate, a much higher hurdle, and even if Democrats capture both chambers, converting their numerical advantage into meaningful political influence will not be straightforward.
They could, however, obstruct legislation, block nominations to senior administration positions and the federal judiciary, and subject the White House to sustained congressional scrutiny.
Their minimum objective would be to turn Trump into a lame-duck president for his remaining two years, but this strategy carries risks of its own – in the 2028 presidential campaign, Republicans can argue that the Democrats prevented them from completing their program.
For Moscow, however, the consequences of the midterms could be considerably more serious.
A Democratic-controlled Congress would almost certainly seek to complicate relations with Russia, and there remains a strong desire in Washington to obstruct Trump’s apparent ambition for a new Yalta involving Russia, China, and the US. Equally persistent is the determination among influential American political circles to inflict a ‘strategic defeat’ on Russia.
This could explain the Trump administration’s intensified diplomatic activity over Ukraine, given whatever opportunities exist for reaching an agreement today could narrow considerably after the new Congress takes office in January 2027.
The urgency could also reflect an attempt to secure lasting advantages for the administration before the political landscape changes.
The argument that there’s little time left, and that Moscow must therefore accept an agreement now or face worse conditions later, shouldn’t be allowed to overshadow Russia’s own interests.
Russia has an objective interest in normalizing relations with the US, but a settlement of the Ukraine conflict must be based on mutually beneficial terms, rather than unilateral concessions extracted under the pressure of America’s electoral calendar.
Ultimately, as Americans prepare to vote in the midterms, Russia should be concerned less with Trump’s political fortunes than with protecting its own interests.
This article was first published by Kommersant, and was translated and edited by the RT team
US midterms could complicate ties with Russia. Moscow should judge any Ukraine deal by its merits, not Washington’s political calendar
When Donald Trump returned triumphantly to the White House in January 2025, his supporters believed they could finally finish what he started during his first term and reverse the Democrats’ social engineering agenda, commonly known as ‘wokeism’, curb illegal immigration, accelerate technological development, and above all, ‘make America great again’.
Trump moved quickly on the first two priorities, as he revoked 78 of Joe Biden’s executive orders, tightened border controls and gave Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) greater resources and powers to conduct raids in sanctuary cities, where the local authorities limit cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.
But Trump’s determination to achieve everything at once, from restructuring the federal government and securing favorable trade deals to pursuing ambitions involving Greenland and Venezuela, has kept American politics in a state of turmoil, while his confrontational approach has also unsettled allies and opponents abroad.
The decision to launch joint military operations with Israel against Iran has proven particularly divisive as it fractured Trump’s conservative coalition, with some supporters accusing him of betraying his promise to end America’s ‘endless wars’, while others fear the political consequences for Republicans in the approaching midterm elections.
The Iran war has also hurt American consumers. Over the past year, gasoline prices have risen by 38% and diesel by 71%, while food prices have increased by 2.5%.
The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz isn’t solely responsible, but Democrats and sympathetic media outlets have made it central to their criticism, while they also point to an increase of $3.8 trillion in the national debt since Trump’s return, allegations of corruption within his administration, and questions about the competence of senior officials, particularly Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
Republicans, including those who oppose the Iran war, are trying to redirect voters towards the administration’s achievements – despite the turbulence, the US economy has grown by 3.2% since the end of 2024, and investment is booming in certain sectors, particularly technology, while illegal crossings at the southern border have reportedly fallen by 95%.
Vice President J.D. Vance, who is increasingly discussed as Trump’s successor, has urged Americans to give Republicans another chance, or at least another two years, to complete what they have begun – but for now, that opportunity appears uncertain. Yet contrary to expectations, losing control of Congress wouldn’t necessarily be a disaster for Trump.
Even with Republican majorities in both chambers, he has preferred to govern through executive orders, issuing more than 290 since January 2025, and this is hardly unprecedented. Bill Clinton issued 364 over his eight years in office, including during periods when Republicans controlled Congress.
For presidents, demonstrating immediate effectiveness and scoring political points often matters more than ensuring continuity.
Democratic threats to impeach Trump and members of his administration may sound formidable, but removing officials from office requires a two-thirds majority in the Senate, a much higher hurdle, and even if Democrats capture both chambers, converting their numerical advantage into meaningful political influence will not be straightforward.
They could, however, obstruct legislation, block nominations to senior administration positions and the federal judiciary, and subject the White House to sustained congressional scrutiny.
Their minimum objective would be to turn Trump into a lame-duck president for his remaining two years, but this strategy carries risks of its own – in the 2028 presidential campaign, Republicans can argue that the Democrats prevented them from completing their program.
For Moscow, however, the consequences of the midterms could be considerably more serious.
A Democratic-controlled Congress would almost certainly seek to complicate relations with Russia, and there remains a strong desire in Washington to obstruct Trump’s apparent ambition for a new Yalta involving Russia, China, and the US. Equally persistent is the determination among influential American political circles to inflict a ‘strategic defeat’ on Russia.
This could explain the Trump administration’s intensified diplomatic activity over Ukraine, given whatever opportunities exist for reaching an agreement today could narrow considerably after the new Congress takes office in January 2027.
The urgency could also reflect an attempt to secure lasting advantages for the administration before the political landscape changes.
The argument that there’s little time left, and that Moscow must therefore accept an agreement now or face worse conditions later, shouldn’t be allowed to overshadow Russia’s own interests.
Russia has an objective interest in normalizing relations with the US, but a settlement of the Ukraine conflict must be based on mutually beneficial terms, rather than unilateral concessions extracted under the pressure of America’s electoral calendar.
Ultimately, as Americans prepare to vote in the midterms, Russia should be concerned less with Trump’s political fortunes than with protecting its own interests.
This article was first published by Kommersant, and was translated and edited by the RT team
Un habitante del sur del Líbano captó y difundió en video el dramático momento en que una excavadora militar del Ejército de Israel destruía por completo su propia vivienda. Las impactantes imágenes, compartidas por la víctima en redes sociales, muestran la imparable acción de la maquinaria pesada arrasando la estructura.
El Gobierno de Donald Trump otorgará visas al excandidato presidencial brasileño y sus familiares, en medio de las investigaciones sobre su salida de Brasil.
El presidente de EE.UU., Donald Trump, manifestó este 27 de octubre que los ciudadanos de Francia suelen ser buenos para hacer revolución. Durante un mitin del movimiento MAGA en Corpus Christi, Texas, declaró: "Creo que los franceses son extremadamente buenos para las revoluciones, en realidad". Su declaración se da ante las recientes protestas y disturbios registrados en el país europeo.
Bei einer hohen Wahlbeteiligung von 74,3 Prozent bis acht Uhr abends (die meisten Wahllokale schlossen erst um 22 Uhr Ortszeit) ist das Ergebnis der israelischen Parlamentswahlen noch unklar: Zwar deuten Nachwahlumfragen an, dass Benjamin Netanjahus Partei Likud wohl die stärkste Partei in der Knesset, dem israelischen Parlament, werden dürfte.
Die Umfrage ergab hier 24 Mandate für den Likud in dem insgesamt 120 Sitze zählenden Parlament; die Partei des Hauptkonkurrenten Gadi Eisenkot, ein ehemaliger Generalstabschef der israelischen Armee, kam nur auf 20 Sitze. Allerdings ist das Verhältnis bezogen auf mögliche Koalitionen umgekehrt: Likud samt seiner möglichen Koalitionspartner käme auf 50 Sitze, Eisenkots Lager auf 53. Beide würden die Mehrheit von 61 Sitzen nicht erreichen.
Was eine Regierungsbildung schwierig gestalten könnte, ist, dass 17 der verbliebenen 20 Sitze auf arabische Parteien entfallen dürften. Sollten sich die Ergebnisse dieser Umfrage bestätigen, hieße das, dass eines der beiden Lager zerbrechen oder aber eine tragfähige Basis für eine langfristige Zusammenarbeit mit den arabischen Parteien finden müsse. Netanjahu jedenfalls würde, sollte er keine Regierung bilden können, von langen und zähen Verhandlungen profitieren – solange bliebe er nämlich noch weiter im Amt.
Eine israelische Regierung, die einen Frieden anstrebt, ist nicht im Angebot – auch Eisenkot lehnt die Zwei-Staaten-Lösung ab und erklärte, den Krieg im Gazastreifen bis zur völligen Entwaffnung der Hamas fortzusetzen. Der Hauptunterschied ist eine etwas größere Distanz zu den Siedlern im Westjordanland, die seiner Überzeugung nach unter Kontrolle der Armee stehen sollen.
Ein vorläufiges Endergebnis wird erst Donnerstagmittag erwartet, das Endergebnis soll bis spätestens 4. November festgestellt sein.
Reinickendorf ist ein Berliner Stadtteil, der ehemals in der französischen Zone lag, also eindeutig Westberlin. Ausgerechnet da plant nun die örtliche CDU, den AfD-Kandidaten zum stellvertretenden Bürgermeister zu wählen. Die Begründung des örtlichen CDU-Vorsitzenden Marvin Schulz, die dieser im Interview mit dem Tagesspiegel gab, ist nüchtern:
"Unter meiner Verantwortung haben wir auch hier eine Politik verfolgt, die Anträge der AfD unisono abgelehnt hat – ohne inhaltliche Auseinandersetzung. Und ich muss einfach feststellen, dass diese Politik der Ausgrenzung nicht erfolgreich gewesen ist, weil sie nicht dazu geführt hat, dass die AfD schwächer geworden ist."
Reinickendorf ist in allen sozialen Daten nahe am Berliner Durchschnitt, liegt beim Migrationsanteil etwas darunter (was immer noch bedeutet, dass 23,1 Prozent der Einwohner Ausländer sind und etwa 40 Prozent einen Migrationshintergrund haben), ebenso bei der Arbeitslosigkeit (9,1 Prozent Arbeitslosenquote verglichen mit 10,4 Prozent in Berlin gesamt), ist aber in sich stark gespalten – in einen Teil mit Einfamilienhäusern und einen anderen mit Großsiedlungen wie dem Märkischen Viertel, in dem sich die Armutsprobleme ballen.
Bei den Wahlen zur Bezirksverordnetenversammlung am 20. September erreichte die CDU 27,4 Prozent (was einen Verlust von 13,1 Prozentpunkten gegenüber 2023 bedeutet), die AfD 18,5 (mit einem Zuwachs von 8,6), die SPD 14,9 (minus 6,6), die Grünen ebenfalls (plus 10,6) und das BSW 3,9 Prozent. Die AfD ist also die zweitstärkste Partei in Reinickendorf.
Marvin Schulz ist nicht nur Vorsitzender der Reinickendorfer CDU, die seit dem Jahr 1981 abwechselnd mit der SPD die Position des Bezirksbürgermeisters besetzt, sondern außerdem auch seit 2025 Bundestagsabgeordneter für Reinickendorf. Seit 2021 saß er in der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung. Der AfD-Kandidat Thomas Ruschin war von 2006 bis 2011 in Reinickendorf für die CDU Stadtrat für Bürgerdienste und Ordnungsangelegenheiten. Im Jahr 2013 wechselte er zur FDP und legte auch sein Mandat in der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung nieder; 2020 wechselte er dann zur AfD. Der Jurist hat also Erfahrung in der Kommunalpolitik, in eben diesem Stadtbezirk. Schulz erklärte weiter:
"Da die AfD in Reinickendorf 18 Prozent der Wählerstimmen holte, hat sie einen gesetzlichen Anspruch auf einen Kandidaten im Bezirksamt – das nehmen wir als Rechtsstaatspartei ernst".
Damit bezieht er sich auf § 35 Abs. 2 des Bezirksverwaltungsgesetzes Berlin, in dem es heißt: "Das Bezirksamt soll aufgrund der Wahlvorschläge der Fraktionen entsprechend ihrem nach dem Höchstzahlverfahren (D’Hondt-Verfahren) berechneten Stärkeverhältnis in der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung gebildet werden."
Damit unterscheidet sich die gesetzliche Regelung für die Berliner Bezirke von den Regelungen in den meisten deutschen Kommunen und erinnert eher an das in Österreich übliche Proporzsystem, das grundsätzlich eine Beteiligung an der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung nach Stimmanteil und nicht nach politischen Koalitionen vorsieht. Durch diese rechtliche Ausnahme gerät die Brandmauerpolitik tatsächlich in Widerspruch zum in Berlin geltenden Recht, auch wenn es keinen Zwang gibt, deshalb einen bestimmten Kandidaten zu wählen.
Aus den Reihen der örtlichen Opposition erklang dennoch sofort heftiger Protest. SPD-Altpolitiker Jorg Stroedter erklärte:
"Dann fällt die Brandmauer! Wenn Parteichef Friedrich Merz glaubwürdig bleiben will, gehören diese Leute nicht mehr in die CDU."
Tatsächlich hatte Friedrich Merz, der nicht nur Bundeskanzler, sondern auch CDU-Vorsitzender ist, erst vor wenigen Wochen anlässlich der Wahl eines AfD-Landtagspräsidenten in Sachsen-Anhalt erklärt:
"Wer seine Stimme der AfD gibt, der spielt das Spiel der Extremisten und zerstört Glaubwürdigkeit. Mit den Werten meiner Partei, der CDU, verträgt sich das jedenfalls nicht."
Nun wäre es natürlich durchaus möglich, im Abgeordnetenhaus das Bezirksverwaltungsgesetz entsprechend zu ändern. Allerdings hätte das nicht nur für die AfD Folgen, sondern auch für andere, jeweils im Bezirk nicht in Koalitionen eingebundene Parteien. Schulz hat allerdings zur Voraussetzung für eine Wahl von Thomas Ruschin auch gemacht, dass über ihn keine "verfassungsfeindlichen Tatsachen" vorlägen. Vermutlich befindet sich der Berliner Verfassungsschutz schon eifrigst auf der Suche.
The Russian foreign minister has accused Western politicians of sacrificing their citizens’ welfare in pursuit of defeating Moscow in Ukraine
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has branded European leaders “political masochists,” accusing them of sacrificing their own citizens’ welfare in pursuit of Russia’s defeat in Ukraine.
Speaking to editors-in-chief of African media outlets in Moscow on Tuesday, Lavrov accused Western governments of pressuring their populations to accept declining living standards to secure Ukraine’s victory in conflict with Russia.
“They are trying to keep public opinion in a position where people must sacrifice everything: salaries, jobs, healthcare services and social benefits in general, so that Ukraine defeats Russia,” Lavrov said. “People can feel how their situation is deteriorating in European countries,” he added.
He singled out German Chancellor Friedrich Merz as one of the politicians advocating such an approach. “These are masochists, political masochists, if you like,” the foreign minister said.
Merz has defended Germany’s growing military spending and continued support for Kiev while warning that the country can no longer afford its existing welfare system.
The German government has tightened welfare rules, introducing benefit reductions of 30% for repeated violations and, in some cases, complete withdrawal. Berlin’s proposed 2027 budget also envisages billions of euros in savings from pensions, healthcare and other social programs.
Germany has meanwhile earmarked €11.6 billion for Ukraine in 2027, alongside plans to raise defense spending to record levels.
Britain, another major backer of Kiev, has also reduced welfare payments, nearly halving health-related benefits for most new claimants under Universal Credit, a program supporting low-income households and people unable to work.
In September, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch called for further welfare cuts to fund increased military spending. “We need to fund our defence, not spend all our money on welfare,” she said. The government, however, rejected her proposal.
France has likewise pursued spending restraint, including a proposed public-sector pay freeze, while increasing military expenditure. The measures have faced opposition from trade unions protesting declining purchasing power and deteriorating public services.
Public discontent has fueled widespread protests across Europe in recent weeks, with hundreds of thousands demonstrating in France over rising living costs, education funding and inequality. Tens of thousands have also taken to the streets in Spain and Portugal over soaring housing costs, while Italy has seen protests over declining living standards.
European NATO members have committed to substantially increasing defense expenditure, citing the perceived threat from Russia.
Russian President Vladimir Putin last week rejected repeated claims that Moscow was preparing for war with Europe, describing them as part of an ongoing “anti-Russian campaign” on the continent. “They now go so far as to constantly speak of a ‘Russian threat’ and even discuss preparations for a war with Russia – which, in my view, amounts to a kind of political schizophrenia. But I hope that it will pass,” Putin stated.
Moscow has repeatedly dismissed claims that it intends to attack NATO countries as “nonsense,” accusing Western leaders of using the alleged Russian threat to justify militarization and continued support for Kiev.
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