Cuba’s top diplomat has branded Mike Waltz a “liar” after the American ambassador accused Havana’s leadership of corruption
US Ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz shouted “Back up!” at Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodriguez during a heated confrontation at the General Assembly over Washington’s blockade of the island. The Cuban diplomat accused Waltz of spreading “crude lies” to justify US “economic aggression.”
During the UNGA session on Tuesday, Waltz dedicated his speech to allegations of corruption among the Cuban leadership, pointing to what he called their collection of luxury watches, real estate, and yachts, as well as their relatives’ holidays in Europe. While ordinary Cubans “are starving,” the US blockade and embargo of the island “does not exist” and “doesn’t apply to luxury goods” that “somehow get through to the Cuban regime elites,” he claimed.
His words drew loud condemnation from the Cuban delegation led by Rodriguez as the diplomats clapped and knocked on their desks in protest against Waltz’s speech.
See the corrupt Cuban regime’s Rolex collection while their people sit in the dark. https://t.co/6wMlNhmNhl
The foreign minister interrupted the US diplomat’s speech by requesting urgent intervention and delivered his own remarks, in which he accused the American envoy of lying in a “rude and arrogant manner” and “violating the dignity of the General Assembly” with his words.
Rodriguez approached the podium and engaged in a heated argument with Waltz. In a video posted on X by the US envoy, Waltz is heard urging the General Assembly president to make the Cuban minister “back away from this podium,” saying he would not allow Rodriguez to “intimidate” him on US territory. He shouted: “I’m the representative of the United States of America! Back up! […] Do you understand who you are dealing with?! Back up!”
The Castro regime has profited at the expense of the Cuban people with luxury cars, expensive watches and a private island resort. As I shared this with the world, regime thugs rushed the stage to interrupt my speech.
They can intimidate their own people in Cuba but think again about trying that nonsense in the United States of America.
The US ambassador posted videos on social media detailing the incident, accusing the “so-called ‘diplomats’” and “regime thugs” of “melting down at the first hint of criticism.”
Rodriguez subsequently addressed the General Assembly, accusing Waltz of lying in a “rude and arrogant manner” and “violating the dignity of the General Assembly” with his remarks.
He later shared a cartoon on X depicting the confrontation with the words “Gringo mentiroso” (lying gringo) above the two diplomats. He captioned the post: “Cuba is not a threat. The blockade is.”
#CubaNoEsUnaAmenaza El Bloqueo Sí. https://t.co/OJd5pcHKBQ
In a separate post, Rodriguez “denounced the economic war that the United States is waging against Cuba with aims of domination and ‘regime change.’” Rodriguez blasted the blockade as an “act of war” and “genocide prohibited by the International Law.” He also shared the results of the vote, which he said was rejected by a “large majority” of the nations.
A resolution condemning the US embargo of Cuba was supported by 130 countries, including Russia, China, India, and even several US allies such as Canada, France, and the UK. It was opposed by 17 nations, including the US, Israel, and Ukraine, with 25 nations abstaining.
US President Donald Trump has intensified pressure on Havana since the kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro in January. Trump has since repeatedly stated that Cuba would be “next,” as his administration imposed a near-total energy blockade against the island nation.
The restrictions contributed to severe energy shortages on the island. Cuba has entered its worst economic crisis in decades, marked not only by prolonged blackouts but also food shortages. Last month, Trump described Cuba as an “absolutely failed state” and “a haven for foreign adversaries” on America’s doorstep.
Moscow and Beijing have expressed solidarity with Cuba in the face of the pressure. Russia has been among the countries providing relief to Cuba, delivering around 700,000 barrels of oil in March. China also said in late September it would support Cuba in “safeguarding its national sovereignty” and pursuing a “development path suited to its national conditions.”
In mid-October, the US issued an arrest warrant for former Cuban President Raul Castro, 95, accusing him of ordering an attack on two American planes operated by anti-Communist Cuban exiles off the island’s coast in 1996. The warrant followed a separate federal indictment brought against Castro and five others in May. Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Canel condemned the case as a “political maneuver, devoid of any legal foundation” and accused Washington of creating a pretext for a military intervention.
Moscow has condemned the accusations against the former Cuban leader as “groundless” and “contrived,” calling it “revenge” by the anti-Cuban lobby.
Roscosmos has signed a cooperation memorandum with the Tanzanian government on the sidelines of the Russia-African summit
Russia and Tanzania have agreed to launch a joint space program, the Russian space agency Roscosmos has said. Moscow will assist Dodoma in establishing its own national space agency and developing the infrastructure needed for a domestic space industry.
On Wednesday, Roscosmos and Tanzania’s Ministry of Information, Communication and Information Technology signed a framework memorandum on strategic partnership and cooperation on the sidelines of the Russia-Africa summit. The event has brought delegations from 48 African countries to Moscow this week.
“Tanzania is planning to establish its own space agency, and we are ready to provide our colleagues with expert and methodological support,” Roscosmos Director General Dmitry Bakanov told journalists. The Russian space agency has already stepped up cooperation with Tanzanian specialists in the field, with support from the Russian presidential administration, he added.
According to Bakanov, Dodoma is particularly interested in developing its own spacecraft and launching them into orbit aboard Russian rockets. Roscosmos has confirmed that Russia will launch Tanzania’s first Earth remote-sensing satellite in March 2027.
During the summit, Russian specialists demonstrated to the Tanzanian delegation the country’s capabilities in training cosmonauts and space industry specialists, as well as conducting scientific experiments in space.
The two sides also discussed sharing Earth remote-sensing data and establishing ground stations in Tanzania to receive such data. According to Bakanov, the African nation also plans to increase the number of students studying space-related disciplines at Russian universities.
Under the agreement, Russia will assist Tanzania in developing infrastructure for its space industry, while the two countries will exchange expertise and best practices in training space specialists. They have also agreed to establish joint working groups and develop road maps covering all areas of cooperation.
Moscow has been actively supporting African nations’ space ambitions. Last year, the South African National Space Agency (SANSA) hailed Russia as a key partner in advancing its national space program. Pretoria “has received most of its support from the Russian Federation,” SANSA board chairman Patrick Ndlovu told Sputnik Africa at the time. Earlier that year, SANSA CEO Humbulani Mudau announced South Africa’s support for Russia’s proposal to establish a BRICS Space Council to strengthen space cooperation among member states.
In 2024, Zimbabwe announced plans to build its first spaceport with Russian assistance. The country also said it was in talks with Roscosmos about gaining access to Russia’s cosmonaut training system, among other areas of cooperation.
Moscow has agreed in principle to new talks with Washington and Kiev, which are expected in the UAE in November
European nations will not be invited to the next Russia-US-Ukraine peace talks, Kremlin aide Yuri Ushakov said on Wednesday, a day after the leaders of Finland and Norway called Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Moscow agreed in principle to participate in a fourth round of trilateral talks following last week’s meeting between Putin and US special envoy Steve Witkoff in St. Petersburg. Mid-November has been floated as a possible timeframe, with Abu Dhabi suggested as the venue.
“We have agreed that trilateral talks will resume, involving representatives from Russia, Ukraine, and the US,” Ushakov told Vesti. He stressed, however, that European representatives will not be invited.
“They can get there if they buy tickets. But no one intends to invite them to the negotiating table.”
Ushakov’s comments came a day after Finnish President Alexander Stubb and Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store called Putin for a conversation that reportedly lasted over an hour. The call sent a shockwave through Kiev’s staunchest backers, prompting Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen to condemn the Nordic leaders’ initiative, insisting it had not been coordinated with “European partners.”
However, neither Stubb nor Store brought any new proposals for settling the Ukraine conflict, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters on Tuesday when asked about the call.
Ukraine’s European backers have been excluded from all three rounds of trilateral negotiations so far and have increasingly sought direct participation in the peace process. They have, however, not tempered their demands, insisting on an unconditional ceasefire – something Moscow has repeatedly rejected, arguing that a temporary freeze to the fighting would only allow Kiev to rest and rearm with Western weapons.
Russia has also accused the EU of acting as the principal side arming Ukraine and prolonging the conflict. In April, Brussels approved €90 billion ($100 billion) to Ukraine for 2026–2027, financed via capital markets. Earlier this month, Vladimir Zelensky asked for a further €70 billion to keep Ukraine’s budget and military afloat through next year.
Moscow has maintained that Europe’s financial and military support for Ukraine makes it a party to the conflict, which Russia has long described as a NATO-led proxy war.
The prime minister will have to fight to stay in power, following a surge in support for his opponents
Israel’s parliamentary elections are over, and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been wounded, but not defeated. His battle to form a government and stay in power is just beginning.
The final results of the Israeli election won’t be known until Thursday, when Israel’s Central Election Committee (CEC) finishes tallying so-called ‘double envelope’ ballots cast by soldiers, diplomats living abroad, prisoners, and other voters unable to make it to polling stations on election day.
However, with more than 85% of votes counted as of Wednesday evening, a picture of political deadlock is becoming clearer, and neither Netanyahu’s right-wing bloc, nor the center-left to center-right bloc of his opponents, are on track to win a majority in the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. Either bloc must secure 61 out of 120 Knesset seats to form a government.
What are the results of the Israeli election?
Netanyahu’s Likud remains Israel’s largest political party, and is projected to win 26 seats, down from 32 in 2022.
Yashar, led by Netanyahu’s chief rival, former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, is in second place with 21 seats.
Both politicians lead large and potentially fractious blocs. Together with four far-right and religious parties – Otzma Yehudit, United Torah Judaism, Shas, and Religious Zionism, Netanyahu’s bloc controls 53 seats, ten short of a majority.
Eisenkot’s opposition bloc comprises Yashar, former Prime Ministers’ Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid’s B’Yachad party, Yair Golan’s Democrats, and Yisrael Beytenu, a right-wing party led by former Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman. Together, this bloc controls 48 seats.
Israel’s two main Arab parties, Yousef Jabareen’s Joint List and Mansour Abbas’ Ra’am, have almost doubled their representation in the Knesset. Driven by anger over Netanyahu’s war on Gaza and his appointment of overt Jewish supremacists to cabinet positions, voters in Arab-majority districts turned out in record numbers to award the Joint List and Ra’am 12 and seven seats respectively, up from a combined ten seats in 2022.
With a combined 19 seats, the Arab parties could play the role of kingmakers when coalition talks begin. However, they would likely find few allies within either Jewish-led bloc.
Will Netanyahu work with the Arabs?
Netanyahu has explicitly ruled out cooperation with either Arab party, both of which have condemned his war on Gaza. “It is forbidden, simply forbidden, to endanger Israel and to establish a government that relies on anti-Zionist Arab parties,” he said after polls closed on Tuesday.
In the run up to the vote, the Israeli prime minister framed the election as a choice between “Me and [US President Donald] Trump, or Eisenkot and Abbas,” and accused his opponents of plotting to recognize a Palestinian state after entering a government with the Arabs.
In a statement on Wednesday, Netanyahu claimed that “the elections in the State of Israel were stolen by Arab parties,” and that Likud had uncovered evidence of vote-buying, “threats and violence against polling station members,” and repeat voting in Arab districts. The PM called on police and Israel’s Shin Bet intelligence agency to conduct a “thorough investigation” into his claims.
A post on X by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, October 28, 2026
Eisenkot’s party warned on Tuesday that Netanyahu would attempt to delegitimize the election. “Netanyahu is panicking and has begun making up stories and claiming that the election is being stolen,” Yashar said in a statement. “This is no accident. He is already laying the groundwork to challenge the election results.”
What about the opposition?
Eisenkot, Liberman, and Bennett have all ruled out cooperation with the Arabs, with Eisenkot declaring on election night that he intends to form “a Zionist government.” Democrats leader Yair Golan, on the other hand, has called on the anti-Netanyahu bloc to reach out to Ra’am and the Joint List for the sake of ousting Netanyau. Partnership with the two Arab parties would give the bloc 65 seats – a clear majority.
“We have no future here if we don’t stop being afraid,” he wrote on social media on Wednesday morning. “We have a majority. We have responsibility. And we have an opportunity to form a government of change in partnership with Israel’s Arab citizens.”
Abbas has said that he is willing to enter government with the anti-Netanyahu bloc, while Jabareen has said that his Joint List lawmakers would “pave the way for the ousting of the Netanyahu government” by refusing to oppose a minority government in exchange for some concessions on Palestine and funding for Arab communities.
Israeli President Isaac Herzog will ultimately decide which political leader stands the best chance of forming a stable government, and task them with forming a coalition. Herzog has called on all parties to enter negotiations “with an open mind.” As the political horse-trading begins, three potential outcomes are laid out below:
Netanyahu wins back the right
Netanyahu could secure a majority by striking a deal with Bennett and Liberman to peel B’Yachad away from the opposition bloc. Both are right-wingers, but both campaigned on ousting Netanyahu and forcing military conscription on Israel’s ultra-Orthodox Haredi communities. In this case,, Netanyahu would likely lose the backing of the two ultra-Orthodox parties in his coalition, United Torah Judaism and Shas.
Swapping these parties for B’Yachad would leave Netanyahu’s bloc even further away from a majority, meaning one side would have to compromise on their core campaign promises to make this arrangement work.
Eisenkot joins the Arabs
Eisenkot’s opposition bloc could quickly secure a majority and form a government, but only if he, Bennett, and Liberman decide that taking power is worth cooperating with, or securing the abstention of, the Arab parties.
Doing so would carry political consequences for everyone involved. At a time when public support for a two-state solution has collapsed and fewer Israelis than ever believe that they “cannot coexist peacefully” with their Palestinian neighbors, Eisenkot, Bennett, and Liberman would risk alienating their right-wing voters.
Likewise, Arab voters could see any partnership with the Israeli-right as a betrayal by the Joint List and Ra’am. Earlier this week, Joint List parliamentary leader Ahmad Tibi alluded to this fear, telling Türkiye’s Anadolu news agency that he does not want his party “to be responsible for incursions into Al-Aqsa Mosque, a war in Gaza, the continuation of Jewish terrorism and settlement activity, or house demolitions.”
Entering a government with Eisenkot and the right-wing opposition would make the Joint List “collectively responsible” for these crimes, he explained.
Could a grand Zionist coalition emerge in Israel?
A unity government – in which Netanyahu and Eisenkot rotate the premiership with the support of Bennett and Liberman – may seem like an obvious solution for everyone involved. Likud, Yashar, B’Yachad, and Yisrael Beytenu are all aligned on security matters, and entering a grand coalition would allow Netanyahu to cast off his ultra-Orthodox and far-right partners, while Eisenkot could sever ties with the Democrats and Arabs.
Such an arrangement is not without precedent. In 2020, Netanyahu and Benny Gantz – a centrist ex-general – reached a power-sharing agreement after three elections in less than a year.
However, the Netanyahu/Gantz coalition fell apart in less than a year, at a less polarized time in Israeli politics. This time around, all of Netanyahu’s opponents have focused their campaigns around deposing the prime minister, with Eisenkot accusing him of corruption, incompetence, and ignoring “dozens of warnings” prior to Hamas’ attack on Israel in 2023.
“I unequivocally pledge that I will not serve under Netanyahu in a rotation agreement. Period,” Eisenkot told Radio 103 last week. “If that were to happen, you would see me resign an hour later.” Eisenkot did not explicitly rule out working with Likud, if Netanyahu were to retire.
The alternative for Israel: deadlock and elections
Should none of these arrangements work, Israel could be thrust into another election cycle. Repeat elections and failed coalition talks were a leitmotif in Israeli politics until the October 7 attack and subsequent wars ushered in a period of relative stability: in the four years before 2022, Israel went through five elections.
Herzog has made it clear that he wants to avoid such an outcome. “We must do everything we can, certainly after yesterday, to avoid another round of elections,” he said on Tuesday. However, unless Israel’s main parties can find some kind of compromise, another election may be inevitable.
Some voters demand Netanyahu’s departure. Others insist he must stay. A unity deal could test how much both sides are willing to swallow
Israel faces weeks of political uncertainty, as the parliamentary elections did not result in a majority for either side. A unity government could break the deadlock, but at what cost to domestic politics and regional stability?
After months of a fiercely contested race, Israelis are waking up to a political reality that offers little prospect of stability. The question is no longer who won the most seats in the Knesset, but who can form a government – and at what cost.
According to the preliminary results from the Central Elections Committee, which is responsible for counting the 7.3 million votes, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is leading with a projected 27 out of 120 seats. The former chief of staff and head of the Yashar party, Gadi Eisenkot, comes in second, securing 21 seats in the Knesset. These numbers will change as the counting continues.
Divided we stand
For some Israelis, the initial results have already proven disappointing.
“I really hoped that the victory of Eisenkot would be obvious and we could celebrate Bibi’s defeat. The country is tired of this man, we need a change but the results are not encouraging,” Miriam Hassan, a 40-year-old resident of Nazareth, said.
Others share her frustration. “The change bloc [a union of parties aligned against Netanyahu] did everything it could to end the rule of Netanyahu. Arab tried too. They went to the polling stations in their masses but now it is clear that the battle is not over yet. More work needs to be done for us to finally see this man handing down the keys to the premier’s office in Jerusalem,” according to Samer Nasrawi, another Nazareth resident in his 50s.
Ronen Attar, a voter of Yashar in his 30s, said:
“We voted for change, for hope, for the repair of this country. We wanted to see this government that was responsible for October 7 handing down power. Polls indicate our bloc can still form a government but everything is up in the air.”
On the other side of the political divide, Netanyahu’s supporters are celebrating.
“My entire family voted for Netanyahu,” Moshe Keif, a Jerusalem resident in his 50s, said. “He has done so much in these four years. The media and Israeli channels buried him politically, they said he will be crushed but now it is clear, Likud is still the strongest and the biggest party. Netanyahu is unsinkable.”
Itzik Dayan, another Jerusalem voter in his 50s, was less optimistic:
“I think Netanyahu should still be the PM despite his mistakes and vices. But the results show that half of the population doesn’t share these views. We are a country divided.”
Unity as a solution?
With polling stations closed and the count underway, it will take days for the final results to emerge. Even then, weeks may pass before Israel – and the world – learns who will become the country’s next prime minister.
Israel’s political system does not automatically award the premiership to the leader of the largest party. Instead, the president must nominate a candidate capable of assembling a coalition commanding at least 61 of the Knesset’s 120 seats.
The problem is that neither camp appears to have the numbers.
According to the Central Elections Committee, Eisenkot’s potential partners, the Together bloc led by former prime ministers Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, Avigdor Liberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu, and Yair Golan’s Democrats – are projected to win 12, 7, and 8 seats, respectively. Together, they would hold 48 seats, 13 short of a majority.
To bridge the gap and secure the premiership, Eisenkot could seek an alliance with the Arab parties: the Joint Arab List and Ra’am, which have won 13 and 6 seats, respectively.
“I voted for them,” Hassan said. “I support the idea of them joining forces with the change bloc to oust Netanyahu from power. Only this cooperation will bring the much needed change.”
Nasrawi agrees:
“It is time for the Arab parties to start cooperating with the Jewish ones. It has been long overdue. They have a chance now. Join forces and remove Netanyahu. Then start cooperating in other spheres, be it tackling high crime rates or the economy.”
Cooperation, however, may be easier said than done. Although Arab party leaders have repeatedly pledged to support initiatives aimed at ending Netanyahu’s premiership, their political priorities remain difficult to reconcile with those of the Change bloc.
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the clearest example. Arab parties advocate ending the occupation, withdrawing troops from Gaza, and establishing a Palestinian state. Eisenkot and his allies, with the exception of Golan, reject these positions and have pledged to take a tougher approach toward the Palestinians.
Israeli experts consider it unlikely that the Arab parties and the Eisenkot-led bloc will overcome these differences. Without their support, the former chief of staff may struggle to become prime minister. Even if he succeeds, his coalition could prove short-lived.
Netanyahu’s prospects are hardly brighter. Together with his traditional allies, including several religious parties, he commands 53 seats, 8 short of the 61 required for a majority.
To retain power, Netanyahu would need to persuade lawmakers from the opposing camp to defect or convince some members of the Change bloc to join a coalition under his leadership.
He has managed this before. On October 11, 2023, shortly after the Hamas-led attacks, he formed a unity government with Benny Gantz, who set aside his differences with Netanyahu to provide broad legislative support. This time, however, the task will be considerably harder. Several leaders in the Change bloc have already ruled out joining a Netanyahu-led coalition and pledged not to serve in ministerial positions under his leadership.
Yet neither side may ultimately have a viable alternative to a broad unity government.
According to a recent poll, around 60% of Israelis favor a unity government bringing Netanyahu and Eisenkot together; 33% want the former chief of staff to lead the government, 19% prefer Netanyahu, and 8% say they have no preference between the two.
Political pressure for unity is also mounting. President Isaac Herzog has indicated that he will work to establish a broad coalition between Netanyahu and Eisenkot. Netanyahu, too, has urged his opponents to consider the proposal, arguing that unity is the only way to address the pressing challenges facing Israel.
Voters, however, remain deeply divided over the prospect.
“Nobody trusts Netanyahu anymore,” Nasrawi said. “I don’t see how Eisenkot agrees to sit with the man who deceived all his coalition partners in the past.”
“This government needs to go. Striking an agreement with Netanyahu is criminal. If they do so, it basically means they betrayed our trust and threw all our votes out of the window,” Hassan said.
Dayan sees things differently: “I really don’t think there is an alternative but to have a unity government.”
“We still have Iran and Hezbollah on our borders, the situation in the West Bank and Gaza is not stable either, economy needs to be fixed, and all we are doing is dividing the country into pro and against Netanyahu. Only unity can bring a change.”
No bright future in sight
A government of national unity could have consequences far beyond Israel’s domestic politics. Netanyahu previously indicated that if he remains prime minister, he intends to complete what he considers unfinished business in Iran, Lebanon, the West Bank, and Gaza.
The groundwork for further military operations is already being laid. In Gaza, the IDF is conducting near-daily raids and targeted killings. In the West Bank, the military is pursuing a major campaign in the Hebron area aimed at dismantling Hamas infrastructure. These operations could intensify and expand if Netanyahu and Eisenkot join forces.
If they don’t, the future for the region doesn’t look bright either. In the event of a political deadlock, with neither side forming a government, Netanyahu will remain interim prime minister until another round of elections is held, typically within 90 days. Unless there is a war that can push it to a further date.
A war seems to be on the horizon. Reports suggest that Netanyahu planned an attack against Iran on October 10, but was blocked by US President Donald Trump at the last minute.
Experts suggest that he might resume his plans if he remains in office, even for a short period of time.
In the coming days, Herzog is expected to consult the leaders of the various parties before deciding which candidate to task with forming a government. Once given the mandate, the candidate will have 28 days to assemble a coalition, with the possibility of a two-week extension. If the attempt fails, another candidate may get the opportunity.
For now, the clouds of uncertainty hanging over Israel show little sign of lifting. A unity government could offer a way out of the immediate political deadlock, but it would not necessarily heal the divisions exposed by the election.
Israelis who went to the polls hoping for a clear direction may find themselves facing a familiar reality: a country still divided, a government still uncertain, and a future that remains difficult to predict.
Just 8,600 people have reportedly signed new military contracts as Kiev faces battlefield manpower shortages
Ukraine’s latest military recruitment drive has failed to gain traction, with the number of new contracts signed amounting to a “drop in the ocean,” Ukrainskaya Pravda has reported.
Kiev has been struggling with acute manpower shortages as it suffers heavy battlefield losses in the conflict with Russia, as well as widespread draft evasion and desertion.
Around 8,600 Ukrainians have signed contracts under the scheme since its launch in mid-June, Roman Kostenko, secretary of the parliamentary committee on national security and defense, told the outlet. The figure includes both new recruits and personnel already serving in the military, leaving the actual number of additional troops unclear.
The initiative introduced contracts lasting between six months and two years, depending on the role and service history, along with temporary exemptions from further mobilization after discharge. The Defense Ministry also raised pay for infantry and assault troops, with monthly salaries increasing from around 120,000 hryvnias ($2,900) to between 300,000 and 460,000 hryvnia ($7,200–$11,000).
However, soldiers interviewed by Ukrainskaya Pravda expressed distrust of government promises, questioning whether they would actually be discharged when their contracts expire. Some also argued that the temporary exemptions from further mobilization were too short to make signing worthwhile.
An earlier recruitment drive targeting Ukrainians aged 18 to 24 also struggled despite offering a bonus of up to one million hryvnia ($24,000) for a year’s military service. In March 2025, the Defense Ministry posted a TikTok video boasting that the money could buy 15,625 McDonald’s cheeseburgers, drawing online criticism. The following month, a senior presidential official acknowledged that fewer than 500 people had signed up.
Kiev has also sought recruits abroad, launching a military recruitment program for Ukrainians living in Europe and exploring ways to bring military-age men back home. It has also stepped up efforts to attract foreign mercenaries. Russian forces have captured US, British, and Colombian nationals during the conflict.
Apart from voluntary contracts, Kiev also relies on compulsory mobilization of fighting-age men. Under martial law, Ukraine can mobilize eligible men for military service regardless of whether they want to enlist.
The campaign, however, has been marred by widespread corruption among draft officials and public perceptions that the system is deeply unfair. The government has responded to draft evasion with heavy-handed enforcement that has repeatedly involved the illegal use of force by military officials.
The Russian president offered closer economic cooperation as African leaders called for investment that creates jobs and supports local industry
Russia and Africa can expand trade and share technology while reducing dependence on Western financial systems, President Vladimir Putin said at the Russia-Africa Economic and Humanitarian Forum in Moscow on Wednesday.
The event forms part of the third Russia-Africa summit, bringing delegations from 48 African countries to Moscow on October 28–29.
Speaking alongside Burundian President and African Union chair Evariste Ndayishimiye, Putin proposed closer banking links, called for bilateral trade to at least double, and offered Russian expertise in energy, agriculture, healthcare, and artificial intelligence.
Here are the key takeaways from the speeches and opening-day announcements.
An alternative to Western financial dependence
Putin urged Russian and African banks to expand direct ties, open branches in each other’s markets and strengthen payments in national currencies.
He proposed greater use of alternatives for exchanging payment information, including the Bank of Russia’s financial messaging system and the pan-African payments system. These arrangements would lower transaction costs and protect settlements from “politicized interference” by unfriendly countries, Putin said.
He argued that countries that don’t have their own financial systems end up relying on Western infrastructure, which ultimately limits their sovereignty.
Breaking out of ‘debt bondage’
Western countries are resisting the emergence of a multipolar world because they remain accustomed to colonial thinking and “growing fabulously rich at others’ expense,” Putin argued.
He accused them of using sanctions, tariffs, economic pressure, and interference to preserve their influence, including attempts to push African countries back into “debt bondage” through predatory lending.
Servicing such debts diverts resources from long-term development, Putin argued, calling for reforms of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank and a stronger African role in their decisions.
Russia-Africa trade exceeded $27 billion last year, compared with $18 billion in 2022, Putin said, calling for the figure to at least double and surpass $50 billion in the near future.
He added that neither unprecedented restrictions against Russia nor Western pressure on African partners have been able to stop economic relations between the two from developing and expressed appreciation for this “firm and principled position of our African friends.”
Putin stated that Russian businesses support local processing, employment and tax revenues rather than engaging in “predatory, neocolonial exploitation” of Africa’s natural resources and people. Their investments also support healthcare, education, and environmental projects, he said.
Energy, transport and food security
Russia and African partners are implementing more than 30 energy projects in 16 countries, Putin said, describing affordable and reliable power as essential to industrial development and better living standards.
He offered cooperation on hydropower, including modernizing existing plants and supplying remote communities, alongside other energy technologies.
Russia’s Rosatom and Togo’s Energy Ministry signed a memorandum on nuclear energy cooperation. Rosatom chief Aleksey Likhachev said this could include floating nuclear power plants to supply electricity to the West African country.
Putin also stated that Russia had exported 13 million tons of agricultural products to Africa in the first nine months of 2026 with more than 40 African countries receiving Russian grain and fertilizers.
However, he stressed that Africa has the potential to feed itself, noting that Moscow is offering seeds, machinery, agricultural technology, storage, and processing infrastructure to help develop that capacity.
Transport proposals also include railways, roads, shipping routes, and logistics hubs, Putin said, inviting African airlines to begin flights to Russia.
Russian and Mozambican ministers also signed a road cooperation memorandum and discussed a possible direct shipping route.
Sharing technology and fighting epidemics
Technological independence has become an essential part of sovereignty, Putin argued, pointing to AI, cybersecurity, personal data, and digital infrastructure. Russia is ready to share its expertise, including digital public services and medical technologies, he added.
Putin also announced that Russia’s epidemic-control assistance program for African countries would be extended through 2029.
Under the program, eight countries have already received 15 mobile laboratories and around 450 African specialists have been trained. Russian doctors continue to assist against infections including cholera and the outbreak of a new Ebola strain that began in the spring, he said.
Further cooperation could include local production of medicines and vaccines, diagnostic centers, and digital healthcare services.
Scholarships, youth exchanges and media links
Around 40,000 African citizens are studying at Russian universities, Putin said, with enrollment increasing by half since 2020. Scholarship places have nearly tripled over the same period, reaching 5,500 for the 2026–2027 academic year.
The president proposed to establish a Russia-African Youth Union to coordinate further exchanges between youth organizations. He also called for Russian news agencies and broadcasters to expand their presence across Africa and said that Moscow would welcome more African correspondents working in Russia.
A three-year cooperation plan
In his closing remarks, Putin stressed that discussions between senior officials alone are insufficient, which is why this year’s forum has been designed to be more accessible and focused on practical opportunities.
He invited participants to an exhibition presenting Russian technologies and proposals for joint projects, saying Moscow is ready to share its achievements with African partners.
Putin said that leaders also intend to adopt a Russia-Africa partnership action plan for 2027–2029 when the summit concludes on Thursday,
Africa wants industry, not just resource exports
During the plenary session, Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye said that Africa wants a greater role in the global economy and partnerships that help transform its resources into prosperity for its population.
“We do not want to remain merely exporters of natural resources and then import finished goods,” he said, calling for African participation throughout production and trade.
The African Union chair urged investment in local processing, technology transfers, and training, alongside energy, agriculture, transport, and infrastructure.
He also called for diversified trade, payment systems, and logistical routes connecting Africa with Russia and BRICS.
The Russian president has hailed the launch of Rassvet, a domestically developed satellite internet network designed to rival Starlink
Russian President Vladimir Putin has praised US entrepreneur Elon Musk as a “real genius” while hailing the launch of Russia’s Starlink rival, Rassvet.
Putin made the remarks on Wednesday while touring an exhibition of Russian technological innovations, where Digital Development Minister Maksut Shadayev briefed him on Rassvet (“Dawn”), a domestically developed satellite internet system designed to compete with Musk’s SpaceX network.
“Elon Musk is a genius, a real genius,” Putin said, noting that the American entrepreneur has more than 5,000 satellites in orbit.
Russia was “proud” to have begun building its own satellite network “independently,” he added.
Moscow also maintains “close contact with American partners,” including Musk, to prevent interference between satellites, according to the Russian president.
Both sides value this cooperation and continue working closely despite political issues, with Russia’s space agency Roscosmos and other companies involved, he said.
According to Shadayev, the Rassvet constellation already has more than 30 satellites in orbit.
Developed by Russian aerospace company Bureau 1440, part of IKS Holding, the network began with experimental satellite launches in 2023 and 2024. Another 32 spacecraft were launched in 2026, with plans to expand the constellation to 292 satellites by the end of 2027 and around 900 by 2035.
“We have only taken the first step. But what matters is that it has been taken,” Putin said. “Now we need to move from quality to quantity,” he added.
Serbia has raised its terror alert to the highest level following the attack, which left a guard wounded
Serbia has raised the terrorism alert to the highest level after a knife-wielding minor attacked a guard outside the Israeli Embassy in Belgrade on Wednesday, the government said.
The attacker was shot dead at the scene of the incident, which took place at around 12:15 AM local time.
“A minor, whose identity has not yet been established… attacked a member of the Gendarmerie with two knives while shouting ‘Allahu Akbar,’” caretaker Interior Minister Ivica Dacic said in a government press release, adding that the suspect was believed to be from the western Serbian town of Sabac. “The Gendarmerie officer neutralized the attacker in self-defense and sustained minor injuries in the process.”
According to the Belgrade Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office, the attacker opened the door of the guard booth and threw a knife that struck the officer’s left cheek. The guard fired several shots, killing the attacker.
The embassy was the site of a similar attack in June 2024, when a crossbow-wielding attacker wounded a Serbian police officer guarding the compound before being shot dead.
Israel ordered tighter security at its embassies last May, after a man shot two embassy employees dead in Washington. The suspect reportedly said he did it “for Palestine” and “for Gaza” during his arrest.
Israeli embassies have faced heightened threats since the Gaza war began in October 2023, amid international condemnation of Israel’s military operation, which has killed nearly 75,000 Palestinians, according to the enclave’s health authorities.
Reported anti-Semitic incidents have also remained above prewar levels. Last year, anti-Semitic attacks killed 20 people worldwide, the highest toll in more than three decades according to Tel Aviv University’s annual report published in April.
The Belgrade attack also came as Israel counted votes from Tuesday’s parliamentary election, which had the highest voter turnout in decades. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who led Israel during the Gaza war and conflicts with Iran, is seeking another term. However, neither his bloc nor the main opposition grouping has secured the 61 seats needed for a parliamentary majority as counting continued Wednesday.
Some 200 Villa Vie Odyssey residents were given just seven hours to disembark in Cambodia after the operator suspended operations, citing soaring fuel costs
A cruise ship selling “permanent homes at sea” has abruptly suspended operations, leaving around 200 residents stranded in Cambodia as its operator blamed soaring fuel costs caused by the US-Israeli war on Iran.
The 200-meter (656-foot) Odyssey, with a capacity for 650 passengers, departed Belfast in October 2024 on a “continuous” round-the-world “forever cruise.” It offered cabins for rent, purchase, or lifetime ownership starting at $59,999 and reaching $440,000, plus monthly fees for meals, drinks, Wi-Fi and other services.
On Monday, Florida-based operator Villa Vie Residences (VVR) ordered passengers – some of whom reportedly sold their homes or spent their life savings on cabins – off the ship during a stop in Cambodia’s Sihanoukville. They had just seven hours to pack and leave, passenger Randy Cassingham reported on his cruise blog.
Cassingham shared a message from VVR CEO Kathy Villalba saying the company was “unable to secure the fuel necessary to continue operations” and that the Odyssey would enter a “temporary layup,” with crew remaining aboard. Other residents, many of whom also run travel blogs, confirmed the account.
Sihanoukville deputy governor Long Dimanche confirmed Tuesday that the vessel, which arrived from Thailand on October 23 with 203 passengers and 156 crew, was due to sail to Vietnam later this week, but instead disembarked all passengers. Some have since flown out of Cambodia, while others remain in Sihanoukville, he said in a statement to local media.
Passengers voiced their anger online. Cassingham blamed a “cascade of problems,” including a flawed business model and management mistakes, and accused the company of doing “absolutely nothing to help.” Another resident, Holly Hennessy, told CNN that problems had been mounting for months.
“It’s been incredibly tough since the war,” she said, adding that residents had been asked to pay a fuel surcharge in May, while the ship had reduced air conditioning to save energy.
Fellow residents Lynette and Johan, who run the YouTube vlog Living Life on a Cruise, also described months of financial uncertainty. Johan said he felt “really drained” and worried about those who had invested their life savings in the cruise.
VVR denied abandoning passengers, saying it was arranging temporary accommodation and disembarkation assistance. Company founder Mikael Petterson told Bloomberg that VVR would cover local lodging and transportation costs, but not passengers’ travel out of Cambodia.
In a statement on Tuesday, the company blamed “extraordinary” fuel costs tied to the Iran war, saying monthly fuel expenses had surged from $1,800 to as much as $8,000 per cabin in parts of Asia since February. Slower sailing and longer port stays had failed to contain costs.
“Passing the full increase on to residents is not a realistic solution,” the company said, announcing plans to restructure and seek financing within 60 days.
The cost of war
The US-Israeli war on Iran has severely disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. Houthi attacks on Saudi energy facilities and shipping have further strained supplies, threatening the Red Sea’s Bab el-Mandeb Strait. Despite Gulf exports reportedly recovering to 80% of pre-war levels, Brent crude recently approached $117 per barrel.
US President Donald Trump has rejected Tehran’s latest settlement proposal and last week threatened another offensive. He also blamed Ukrainian strikes on Russian refineries, rather than the Iran war, for the latest spike in fuel prices. Trump subsequently lifted restrictions on Russian diesel exports to the US in an effort to ease shortages, and Moscow said on Tuesday that three diesel tankers were already heading to America.
The move offers little immediate relief to the Odyssey, however, which refuels at ports along its route. Cambodia, for instance, relies entirely on imported petroleum products, with gasoline prices up 33.7% and diesel 46.7% since the Middle East escalation, according to its Ministry of Commerce. Marine gasoil, which powers the ship, has nearly doubled to $1,321 per metric ton in Singapore, the world’s largest refueling hub, according to ClearLynx.
An ally of US President Donald Trump has also claimed that the operation was coordinated in Washington
Argentina’s right-wing government has confirmed that it helped Brazilian Senator Flavio Bolsonaro flee the country after his election loss to President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio was reportedly involved in the operation.
Bolsonaro was ordered to surrender his passports on Monday, less than 24 hours after his narrow runoff election loss to Lula. The passports were canceled on Tuesday, after he failed to surrender them to authorities. Media reports claimed that he had fled to the US earlier that day, but no outlet could confirm that he had left the country.
“We still don’t have any news about his whereabouts,” Bolsonaro’s campaign manager told AFP on Tuesday.
In the early hours of Wednesday morning, Argentina’s National Directorate of Migration (DNM) confirmed that Bolsonaro, his wife, and his two daughters entered Argentina via a border checkpoint near the town of Puerto Iguazu, shortly before 11pm on Tuesday. Bolsonaro crossed the border “with valid travel documentation and without any legal impediment to entering the country,” the agency stated.
It is unclear if Bolsonaro crossed the border using his national identity card, or with his Italian passport, as he has held Italian citizenship since 2023.
Once in Argentina, the Bolsonaro family boarded a private jet bound for Ecuador, the DNM stated. Argentinian President Javier Milei and Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa are both right-wing allies of Bolsonaro.
Bolsonaro and his family were seen arriving in Florida on Wednesday, where the State Department has told AP that it will grant visas to him and his family. While the State Department has not admitted any role in helping Bolsonaro flee Brazil, Mexican entrepreneur Simon Levy, who describes himself as “proud to serve President Trump and MAGA,” claimed on Tuesday that the entire operation was “coordinated by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.”
Rubio has not commented on Levy’s claims. However, Rubio and Trump are both political allies of Bolsonaro. Rubio’s State Department sanctioned Brazilian Supreme Federal Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes last year over his role in jailing Bolsonaro’s father, former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, in 2022, and over his censorship of American social media platforms. Moraes is a close political ally of Lula.
Bolsonaro’s passports were canceled in connection with an ongoing corruption and money laundering probe. Despite Moraes being named in the same investigation, Lula warned Bolsonaro earlier this month that he would “be in a lot of trouble” if he lost the election, threatening him with “plenty of investigations.”
It is unclear how the US intends to respond to Lula’s election win. Trump has suggested that the election “had a very bad look…the way it was tabulated.” After claiming that Rubio aided in Bolsonaro’s flight, Levy made a cryptic post on X, saying “get ready for tomorrow…”
The measure, which would force those involved in violence to pay up to €10,000 in damages, comes amid nationwide unrest
France’s Senate has backed a sweeping “vandals pay” bill that could force people involved in violent gatherings to cover up to €10,000 ($11,100) in damage caused not only by them, but also by other members of the group. The vote follows weeks of nationwide protests which spiraled into looting, arson attacks, and clashes with police.
The bill was initially drafted by the government over the summer after violence following Paris Saint-Germain’s Champions League victory, but it gained urgency after a new wave of mass public disorder. Demonstrations against soaring living costs and worsening quality of education turned violent in several cities this month, with rioters looting shops, torching vehicles, and destroying the 19th-century city hall in Limoges. Thousands of people were arrested during the unrest, with hundreds injured.
Senators passed the measure by 229 votes to 105 on Wednesday, backed by conservatives, centrists, and Marine Le Pen’s right-wing National Rally despite fierce objections from the left.
While presenting the legislation, Interior Minister Laurent Nunez argued that it seeks “to deter vandals and looters who burden taxpayers and demonstrators with their misdeeds, and… to better compensate the victims of this damage.”
He added that the bill is also “firmly based on fault; fault exists when one participates in a group formed with the intention of committing violence.” Meanwhile, centrist Senator Olivier Bitz reassured that “it should not be assumed that this text would allow for the prosecution of passersby or peaceful demonstrators.”
The bill – which included around 20 additional provisions compared to its original version – establishes joint civil liability for people who knowingly join a group formed to commit violence or vandalism, or remain in a crowd after police dispersal warnings while aware of ongoing attacks. Those found liable could owe up to €10,000 for destruction committed by others, although the final sum is to be determined in court, and peaceful participation alone would not trigger the measure.
To recover court-ordered compensation, the legislation would also allow deductions from social benefits, including family allowances, housing assistance, and minimum-income payments. The bill would also exempt people who remain in a gathering for legitimate reasons, potentially including journalists and medical volunteers.
While centrists and right-wing supporters portrayed the bill as a more just measure to extract damages from those involved in vandalism and protect law-abiding taxpayers, socialist Senator Marie-Pierre de La Gontrie warned that the welfare measures risk penalizing entire families.
Nathalie Godard, Director of the Action Department at Amnesty International France, also argued that the bill “threatens to further deter people from taking to the streets to exercise their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly,” adding that it comes on the heels of the government’s push to crack down on protests.
The Senate passed the bill ahead of the 2027 presidential race, with two key contenders taking contrasting positions over the unrest. Marine Le Pen, the frontrunner in recent polls, has championed the “vandals pay” principle, accusing President Emmanuel Macron’s government of failing to control the violence.
Her left-wing rival Jean-Luc Melenchon has backed the protests while condemning looting and vandalism and accusing the authorities of inflaming tensions through police brutality.
While the bill sailed through the right-dominated Senate, it now faces a much tougher test in the fractured National Assembly, where centrist and right-wing lawmakers together hold enough seats to outvote the left but remain divided over the proposed crackdown.
High turnout exposed deep fatigue with crisis and war, yet coalition deadlock means no clear path to a calmer regional course
The parliamentary elections in Israel were a major test of public confidence in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Israelis went to the polls in the aftermath of the events of October 7, 2023, the wars in Gaza and Lebanon, the confrontation with Iran, and increasingly strained relations with several international partners. The composition of the next government will decide the direction of Israel’s political and strategic development.
Turnout was exceptionally high – the Central Elections Committee put it at 77.7%, the highest since 1999. The main contest unfolded between Netanyahu’s Likud party and an opposition camp led by Gadi Eisenkot, the leader of the centrist Yashar party. His potential allies include the parties of Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid (who had shared a rotating premiership in 2021-22), and other parties opposed to the incumbent coalition.
According to updated exit polls conducted by three major TV networks, the opposition bloc is projected to secure 47 seats, Netanyahu’s allies 54, and Arab parties outside either camp 19. Likud nevertheless remains the largest individual party, while other projections are more favorable to the right-wing bloc. The official results are expected to be published on November 4. For now, one thing is evident: Neither side has secured a clear parliamentary majority.
The turnout reflects a profound political mobilization within Israeli society. Over the past several years, decisions made by the leadership have become increasingly intertwined with questions of personal security, economic well-being, and the future of individual families. As a result, even citizens who previously remained relatively disengaged from politics have become more actively involved.
The events of October 7, 2023 were the decisive catalyst for this transformation. The failure of the national security system severely undermined confidence in the political leadership, and the subsequent wars failed to produce lasting national unity around the government. Instead, they intensified questions of political accountability, the human and economic costs of military decisions, and the absence of a convincing strategy for ending the conflicts. Even supporters of a hardline security approach have grown disillusioned with its effectiveness.
Socioeconomic pressures have also played an important role. Rising military expenditure, the high cost of living, housing difficulties, and prolonged reserve military service have shown the people the price of continuing instability. Particularly contentious has been the exemption of sections of the ultra-Orthodox community from military service, while other segments of society bear the burden.
Israel’s deteriorating international standing has further compounded these challenges. Disagreements with traditional European partners over the war in Gaza, developments in the West Bank, and the policies pursued by far-right members of the government are leaving the country with less and less room for diplomatic maneuvers. Some voters increasingly blame the government for growing diplomatic isolation and economic risks.
The high turnout was not just against Netanyahu. Right-wing voters were also highly mobilized, as was the Arab electorate, whose parties achieved a notable result. Nevertheless, the elections suggest that the existing political situation is no longer widely seen as sustainable.
In Israeli politics, electoral success does not necessarily translate into political power. In the 120-seat Knesset, a governing coalition requires the support of at least 61 members, a threshold that neither of the two main political camps is so far projected to reach. The decisive struggle will now move to negotiations between parties.
After the official results are released, President Isaac Herzog will consult parliamentary factions and entrust the task of forming a government to the candidate considered most capable of securing a majority. The initial period for coalition negotiations is 28 days, with a possible extension of up to 14 days. If these efforts fail, another member of the Knesset may be given 28 days to form a government. Subsequently, members of parliament would have 21 days to nominate an alternative candidate with the support of at least 61 legislators, who would then receive a further 14 days to complete the process. Should this final attempt also fail, the Knesset would be dissolved and new elections called.
Under these circumstances, smaller parties have far more power than their number of seats would suggest. In exchange for supporting a coalition, they may demand ministerial appointments, budgetary commitments, and significant policy concessions. Netanyahu’s camp will have to seek additional support beyond its traditional allies, while the opposition faces the difficult task of reconciling the positions of centrists, right-wing opponents of Netanyahu, and more liberal parties.
Arab parties, which are projected to hold 19 seats, could become particularly important. Eisenkot and some of his potential coalition partners, however, have ruled out including them in the government. External parliamentary support or abstention during a confidence vote could theoretically alter the balance, but this would require politically sensitive compromises from the centrist camp.
Netanyahu’s extensive experience in coalition-building gives him considerable opportunities to negotiate with smaller parties and persuade individual political actors to abandon competing alliances. Even if he fails to assemble a majority, he will remain in office as caretaker prime minister until a new government is formed. His political position has undoubtedly weakened, but this does not yet amount to his removal from power.
Netanyahu entered these elections with a loyal electoral base intact, but with substantially weakened support beyond the right-wing camp. National security has always been his central political argument. Yet the consequences of October 7 and the prolonged military campaigns have seriously damaged his reputation, raising questions about the effectiveness of his leadership.
With this in mind, reports of preparations for a new military operation against Iran shortly before the elections deserve particular attention. Axios reported on discussions between Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump, the Financial Times described preparations for a large-scale strike in early October, and CNN reported on Israeli efforts to secure American support. According to these accounts, the Trump administration prefers to avoid another major escalation ahead of the US elections scheduled for November 3. Netanyahu denied reports that Trump prevented a planned Israeli attack, and some of the reported details have also been disputed by Israeli media.
A swift and successful military operation against Iran could have unified a substantial part of society around Likud, restored Netanyahu’s image as a decisive defender of national security, and pushed criticism of his domestic policies into the background. While this does not prove that a strike was being planned for electoral purposes, the potential political benefits are obvious.
On the other hand, a short war against Iran would have been an extremely risky gamble. Iranian retaliation, the involvement of Tehran’s regional allies, additional pressure on Israel’s missile defense systems, and potential disruption of global energy markets could have produced another crisis of public confidence. The combination of American constraints and unpredictable military consequences appears to have prevented this from happening before the election.
Ultimately, the election took place without a major military development capable of fundamentally shifting votes. Should Netanyahu remain in power, the most likely outcome would be the continuation of his hardline approach towards Iran and aligned armed groups. Continued dependence on far-right coalition partners could push this policy in an even more confrontational direction. Even so, Israel would still have to take Washington’s position into account, given the importance of American support for major military operations.
Gadi Eisenkot, who served as chief of the General Staff of the Israel Defense Forces from 2015 to 2019, has emerged as Netanyahu’s principal political alternative. His main advantage lies in offering a change of leadership without abandoning the centrality of national security. For voters dissatisfied with the incumbent prime minister but unwilling to embrace a fundamental ideological shift, this is an appealing compromise. Eisenkot presents himself as a centrist, institutionally minded political figure with extensive experience in military leadership.
Particular emphasis in his political program is placed on soldiers, reservists, and their families. His party has proposed expanding housing, tax, and education benefits, increasing social assistance, and raising the remuneration of conscripts by 15%, with a 50% increase for combat soldiers in their third year of service. These proposals have the potential to attract military families that have long demanded more equitable social protection. It would, however, be an exaggeration to suggest that Israel’s entire security establishment supports a single candidate.
Another important part of Eisenkot’s electoral base consists of citizens disillusioned with the governing coalition’s style of leadership, its disputes with state institutions, and its dependence on far-right parties. Eisenkot promises to restore confidence in government, broaden the principle of compulsory military or national service, and reduce divisions within society. His political appeal is centered on effective governance rather than ideological transformation.
On the Palestinian question, however, fundamental changes are unlikely. Eisenkot opposes the establishment of a fully independent Palestinian state under present conditions and insists on maintaining Israeli control over essential security matters. Although some Jewish parties support the two-state solution, the core of a new coalition would most likely consist of nationally oriented parties. Nevertheless, Eisenkot’s criticism of illegal settlement outposts and settler violence suggests that a change in political methods is possible.
There is much more room for change in foreign policy. A departure from a government of far-right politicians whose rhetoric has complicated Israel’s relations with European partners and Arab states could, in itself, help reduce diplomatic tensions. A more pragmatic cabinet would have the opportunity to restore working relationships, ease Israel’s international isolation, and pursue a gradual normalization of relations across the region.
However, a more restrained diplomatic approach should not be mistaken for the abandonment of military deterrence. Eisenkot regards Iran’s nuclear program, its missile capabilities, and its network of regional allies as serious threats to national security. Under his leadership, Israel would likely maintain a firm policy of containment while seeking closer coordination with Washington and a more balanced combination of military and diplomatic instruments. This approach could reduce certain risks, but it would not eliminate the underlying confrontation.
The main dilemma emerging from the election is that many Israelis who voted against Netanyahu expect greater stability and a reduction in regional tensions, yet the country’s security environment and the positions of opposition leaders themselves impose significant constraints on any rapid political compromise. Eisenkot could change the style of governance and improve the atmosphere of Israel’s relations with the outside world, but he cannot guarantee peace. Netanyahu, by contrast, would be more likely to continue along the current path.
Until the official results are published and coalition negotiations concluded, it is impossible to predict with confidence who will become the next prime minister. The elections have nevertheless exposed profound public fatigue with a prolonged period of crisis and the absence of a clear political mandate for overcoming it.
The ultimate outcome will determine far more than the composition of the next government. It may also shape the future trajectory of the entire Middle East, influencing whether the region moves towards a period of cautious stabilization or enters another phase of escalating confrontation.
New technologies, private investment, and startups are key to New Delhi’s plan to expand its space industry to $44 billion by 2033
India is building additional launch pads, deploying new technologies, and boosting private players and startups in an ambitious program to grow its space industry fivefold to $44 billion by 2033.
New Delhi introduced reforms to its space industry – where the publicly-owned Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) was the sole player – to promote private sector participation in 2020.
“Earlier, only ISRO could do end-to-end activities, while other companies were working as vendors to ISRO,” Vinod Kumar, director at the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Centre (IN-SPACe), told ANI recently. IN-SPACe is the regulatory and promotional agency for non-government entities in India’s space sector.
India’s space ecosystem has expanded rapidly since, with 50 large firms, 450 space startups, and 300 small and micro-medium enterprises currently active in the $8.4 billion market.
The growth comes even as the Next Generation Launch Vehicle (NGLV) program, launched in 2023 with an outlay of $1 billion, is expected to triple India’s launch pad capacity. This additional launch capacity is critical for realizing missions including manned flights to the Bharatiya Antariksh Station and lunar exploration, as well as meeting launch demands from domestic industries.
“We have SSLV, and we have augmented launch capacity with a new launch pad at Kulasekarapattinam in (the southern state of) Tamil Nadu,” Kumar said. The SSLV is a launch vehicle for small satellites, crucial to meeting the rising demand from low-earth orbit (LEO) satellite constellations for internet connectivity and earth observation satellites.
“That business will (now) stay in India,” Kumar was reported as saying. Two Indian companies – billionaire Mukesh Ambani’s Jio Satellite Communications, and Bharti Group-backed Eutelsat OneWeb – have sought licenses for providing satellite internet services in the country, alongside Elon Musk’s Starlink.
The federal government also wants the private players to expand their role in technological development, satellite manufacturing, and space-based applications.
NewSpace India Limited, the commercial arm of ISRO, has signed 118 technology transfer agreements to enable the domestic industry to access and utilize technologies that its parent has developed. A rejigging of the space policy in 2023 and changes to foreign direct investment norms have also contributed to growth in the sector.
India launched a $102 million venture capital fund and $52 million technology adoption fund for space startups. The cumulative funding in Indian space start-ups touched $618.5 million as of March 31. The funding pattern has also shifted from early-stage seed support to larger, growth-stage rounds, according to the government.
The case in Odessa came to light after a judge ordered the incident to be investigated
A blind Ukrainian man was allegedly held for days at a conscription center despite being clearly unfit for military service, according to court papers.
The case, reported by Ukrainian media on Wednesday, stems from a complaint filed by the unidentified man with a district court in Odessa seeking an official investigation. A judge ruled in his favor last week, ordering the authorities to look into the allegations, a decision that was made public shortly afterward.
According to the complaint, the man has been visually impaired since childhood and was exempted from military service as early as 1994, with his status reaffirmed in 2020 and 2023. Despite this, he says draft officials refused to recognize his condition and held him for almost five days.
He was allegedly seized on a street in Odessa in March, held incommunicado without being formally booked, and released only after intervention by his lawyer.
The regional branch of the State Bureau of Investigation, which had earlier refused to register his complaint, was ordered by the court to reverse that decision. The man had separately secured a court ruling ordering his removal from a list of people wanted for draft evasion.
Kiev relies on compulsory mobilization of fighting-age men to sustain its war effort against Russia, but the campaign has been marred by widespread corruption among draft officials and public perceptions that the system is deeply unfair. The government has responded to draft evasion with heavy-handed enforcement that has repeatedly involved the illegal use of force by military officials.
Illegal detention at recruitment centers has become a recurring problem, according to the office of Ukraine’s human rights ombudsman, Dmitry Lubinets.
In one high-profile case reported by Lubinets in June, 21 men were found to have been illegally held in poor conditions at a conscription center in Uzhgorod, some for more than 50 days.
In another case, the three-day detention of 39-year-old Aleksey Ivanko at a Kharkov recruitment center in May 2025 ended with him jumping from a third-floor window to his death. Lubinets said in his annual report that his office found no evidence Ivanko had been physically abused by draft officials, but concluded there had been no legal grounds to restrict his freedom and that the prolonged confinement had contributed to the circumstances of his death.
Former Google engineer Nate Soares believes there is a greater-than-even chance the technology could wipe out humanity within a decade
An AI safety researcher has stopped saving for retirement because he believes artificial intelligence could wipe out humanity within the next ten years. His warning follows similar predictions from researchers concerned that increasingly powerful systems could escape human control.
Nate Soares, a former Google and Microsoft engineer who now heads the Machine Intelligence Research Institute (MIRI), discussed his outlook with Atlantic CEO Nicholas Thompson
“I do not save for retirement right now. I have a 401(k) from when I worked at Google, but I haven’t contributed for a decade,” he said, referring to his workplace retirement account.
Asked whether he believed there was a greater-than-50% chance humans would not survive another ten years, Soares stated that it’s “more than 50% that we don’t have a decade at this point.”
“I am not really an AI job apocalypse guy,” he said. “I’m an AI kills all humans guy.”
Soares argued that a sufficiently capable system could develop goals incompatible with human survival, evade oversight, and improve itself. It could then acquire resources and build automated infrastructure allowing it to operate without people, potentially making the planet uninhabitable.
The researcher urged governments to halt the training of general-purpose AI systems, arguing that superintelligence should be treated as a danger comparable to nuclear weapons. At the same time, he supported the use of the technology in narrowly focused applications, including cancer research and safer self-driving cars.
Soares stressed that catastrophe could still be prevented. “I do everything I can to stop this eventuality. I don’t think it’s inevitable,” he said.
Other researchers have voiced similar fears. In September, Anthropic’s Evan Hubinger put the probability of AI killing all humans within a decade above 10%. His colleague Jacob Coxon resigned, accusing developers of “racing straight to self-improving superintelligence and gambling with our lives.”
The warnings come amid repeated disclosures of AI agents acting beyond developers’ instructions. OpenAI reported in July that its agents escaped restricted testing environments and accessed systems belonging to Hugging Face, an online repository for AI models and datasets. The company has since restricted internet access during training of its most powerful models.
Critics have called for binding government safeguards and a halt to the development of potentially uncontrollable systems. On the other hand, supporters of continued development argue that AI’s benefits outweigh many of the risks.
Rome has reportedly postponed its latest arms shipment until after the US midterms
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has put a major new weapons package for Ukraine on hold until after the US midterm elections, according to La Repubblica. The move comes as her ruling coalition faces mounting resistance to arming Kiev.
The long-delayed 13th military aid package remains stuck despite repeated assurances that Rome will continue to support Ukraine, the Italian outlet reported on Tuesday. Initially expected in July, the shipment was pushed back to September, then delayed again, with a decision now potentially postponed until after the November 3 US congressional elections.
La Repubblica noted that the delay has cast doubt on whether Meloni will deliver on promises made to French President Emmanuel Macron and Ukraine’s Vladimir Zelensky to send more Aster 30 interceptor missiles for Kiev’s SAMP/T air defense systems by the end of October.
The Italian parliamentary intelligence committee has yet to review the decree authorizing the shipment, while Rome continues to declare its support for Ukraine without specifying when the weapons will be delivered.
Earlier this week, Italian media reported that Meloni’s government is split over further arms supplies to Kiev. Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini, leader of the League party, has opposed further weapons deliveries, while Economy Minister Giancarlo Giorgetti, also from the League, has reportedly resisted signing off on the package. In December 2025, Tajani rejected Italy’s immediate participation in the US-led PURL scheme, under which NATO members bankroll American weapons for Kiev, citing ongoing peace talks. “If we reach an agreement and the fighting stops, weapons will no longer be needed,” he said.
Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani and Defense Minister Guido Crosetto, meanwhile, have pushed for continued military assistance, leaving Meloni caught between her government’s commitments to Kiev and opposition from a key coalition partner.
According to La Repubblica, Rome is also holding off on further arms deliveries until the US midterms, which could strip President Donald Trump’s Republicans of their control of Congress. The November 3 vote will determine control of both chambers, with Democrats leading Republicans 53% to 44% in an October 22-26 Reuters/Ipsos poll. The delay could stretch even further as Italy heads toward its own elections in 2027. Silver Bulletin’s October 27 forecast also indicated that Democrats were strongly positioned to retake the House, while the Senate remained less certain.
Public opposition to arming Kiev is growing in Italy. A September Termometro Politico poll found that 55.4% of Italians opposed further weapons shipments, against 38.8% in favor. Ukraine’s EU membership bid has also split opinion, with a May survey showing 32% backing eastward enlargement and 26% opposed.
Russia has warned that Western weapons deliveries to Ukraine prolong the conflict and obstruct peace efforts. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov has accused European countries of fueling the fighting, while Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has warned that any shipments carrying foreign arms into Ukraine would be considered legitimate military targets.
A rich history of diplomacy, education, cultural exchange and unexpected personal connections stretches from the Russian Empire to the present day
In 1944, an unusual pavilion dedicated to the Soviet Union opened in Johannesburg, South Africa. Visitors could discover more about life in the USSR, view exhibitions, relax in a tea garden, and even stop by a vodka bar. The pavilion was very popular and attracted a total of about 250,000 visitors. This little-known episode is just one example of the rich and varied history of Russia-Africa relations. From Russian officers at the court of the Ethiopian emperor to African students who studied in Russia under the patronage of Nicholas II, the New Moscow Cossack settlement on the Red Sea coast, and the son of a Russian officer who became one of Ethiopia’s first pilots, we explore some of the highlights of Russia-Africa relations below.
Perhaps the most famous African figure in the history of the Russian Empire is Abram Gannibal, the great-grandfather of the great Russian poet Alexander Pushkin. In the early 18th century, the African boy found himself at the court of Peter the Great, who became his godfather and later sent him to study in France. Gannibal received military training, became an engineer, and eventually rose to the rank of general. Historians still debate the exact location of his birth, with modern-day Cameroon and Eritrea among the possible locations.
However, Gannibal was far from the only African at the Russian court. Africans appeared in Russia as early as the 17th century, and later, a specialized court position was instituted: ‘Arap (Moor) of the Imperial Court’. Some of them feature in paintings depicting the life of Russian monarchs.
For a long time, Russians had a limited understanding of Africa, largely shaped by books and traveler accounts. Russian pilgrims traveled to Egypt, merchants traded with North African ports, and scholars gradually discovered Africa’s geography and history. However, by the late 19th century, interest in Africa began to take on a more practical dimension.
One of the most unusual expressions of this interest was Nikolay Ashinov’s expedition. Ashinov called himself the ataman (leader) of the free Cossacks. In 1889, he landed with a group of like-minded individuals on the shores of what is now Djibouti, proclaiming the creation of a Russian settlement called ‘New Moscow’. They raised the Russian flag over it, but it soon turned out that the territory fell under French colonial interests. French military forces commanded the settlers to abandon the fort; when the latter refused, the French shelled the area and detained the expedition members. The Russian government, which did not support Ashinov’s initiative, distanced itself from the endeavor, and that marked the end of one of the most peculiar attempts at establishing a Russian presence in Africa.
Russia’s relationship with Ethiopia fared much better. Ethiopia was one of the few African nations that managed to retain independence during the era of European colonial expansion. Russia and Ethiopia shared the Christian faith, and Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II viewed Russia as a potential partner that did not seek to encroach on his territories. One of the first Russians to establish personal contact with him was military officer Viktor Mashkov. In 1889, he traveled to Ethiopia (formally as a correspondent for the newspaper Novoye Vremya) and managed to secure an audience with the emperor. Upon returning to St. Petersburg, Mashkov brought back a personal letter from Menelik II to Alexander III, along with gifts, including ceremonial weapons. He later returned to Ethiopia with a reply from the Russian monarch. These visits laid the groundwork for the establishment of official diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1898.
Cooperation swiftly extended beyond diplomacy. Following the Ethiopian army’s victory over the Italians at the Battle of Adwa in 1896, a medical mission from the Russian Red Cross Society arrived in Ethiopia. Menelik II was highly impressed by Russian doctors. According to the reports of Russian diplomat Pyotr Vlasov, during a visit to a hospital in 1898, the emperor didn’t just inspect the wards; he donned a hospital gown, attended a surgical operation, questioned patients, and examined medical instruments. The partnership in the field of healthcare became one of the most enduring traditions in Russia-Ethiopia relations.
The story of the first Ethiopian students in Russia is less well known. In 1897, Menelik II reached out to Nicholas II, requesting that several young Ethiopians be accepted to study in Russia. The Russian emperor agreed, and five young men, aged between 17 and 20, made their way to Russia. They were supposed to study medicine and various trades and then return home. However, the Russian education system wasn’t adapted to the needs of African students. For example, two of the young men were expected to enter a vocational school that typically admitted boys aged 12 to 15. The new students were significantly older and didn’t speak Russian, necessitating special language classes and high-level discussions about funding. In April 1898, Finance Minister Sergey Witte appealed to Nicholas II to allocate 250 rubles annually for the education of the students and an additional 1,200 rubles for their instructor. Sixty years before the establishment of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, the Russian emperor personally supported this small group of African students.
Equally intriguing is the story of the Babichev family. In the late 19th century, a Russian officer named Ivan Babichev traveled to Ethiopia and decided to stay there permanently. He joined Menelik II’s service, married an Ethiopian woman, and eventually rose to the rank of fitawrari (commander). His son, Mishka Babichev, became even more famous. When soon-to-be emperor Haile Selassie began building Ethiopia’s aviation program in the late 1920s, young Babichev became one of its pioneers. He received flight training in France and became one of Ethiopia’s first military pilots. He later played a significant role in establishing the country’s civil aviation. After the Second World War, Mishka Babichev was appointed as Ethiopia’s diplomatic representative to the Soviet Union.
From Transvaal to the Soviet pavilion in Johannesburg
In the same period, the attention of Russian society also turned to South Africa. The Anglo-Boer War broke out in 1899. In the course of this war, two small republics – Transvaal and the Orange Free State – fought against the British Empire. The Russian public strongly sympathized with the Boers (Afrikaners, descendants of Dutch settlers); newspapers extensively covered the situation on the front lines, charity drives were organized, and some Russians volunteered to fight in South Africa. Approximately 200 individuals from Russia fought alongside the Boers. Among them was Evgeny Maximov, who led a contingent of foreign volunteers and was promoted to the rank of general by the Boers, as well as Aleksey Guchkov, who would later become chairman of the State Duma and Minister of War in the Provisional Government.
The most enduring impact of the Anglo-Boer War on Russian culture is reflected in the song ‘Transvaal, Transvaal, my homeland, you’re all on fire!’ which became popular in Russia at the turn of the century. The song, based on Galina Galina’s poem, quickly gained popularity throughout Russia. It was later often heard in movies.
Decades later, the relationship between Russia and South Africa took an unexpected turn. During WWII, the Soviet Union and the Union of South Africa became allies. In South African cities, various organizations emerged to collect aid for the USSR, and the Society of Friends of the Soviet Union held large-scale events to support the efforts.
In July 1944, the University of the Witwatersrand hosted a two-day congress promoting African-Soviet friendship that brought together about 600 delegates. In November 1944, a Soviet pavilion opened in Johannesburg, featuring exhibition halls, a tea garden, and even a vodka bar. But South African support for the USSR extended beyond donations and exhibitions. In July 1944, Dmitri Shostakovich’s Seventh Symphony, known as the Leningrad Symphony, was performed in Johannesburg, and two months later, in Cape Town. Proceeds from both concerts were sent to the Soviet Union.
In the post-war years, collaboration in the field of education became a cornerstone of Soviet policy in Africa. In 1960, the Peoples’ Friendship University was established in Moscow. It was later named after Patrice Lumumba, the first prime minister of independent Congo. However, African students studied not only in Moscow, but also in cities throughout the USSR, such as Leningrad, Kiev, Kharkov, Odessa, Minsk, Voronezh, and many others. For many of these students, the trip to the Soviet Union was the first journey outside their home country and an opportunity to experience an entirely different culture and lifestyle. Everything was new – from Russian winters and dorm living to Soviet cafeterias and the challenge of learning a new language.
In January 1962, nine young activists from the African National Congress movement gathered in a house in Johannesburg. To their surprise, Nelson Mandela, who had gone underground, showed up at the meeting. The activists planned to go abroad for military training, but Mandela explained that the movement had other priorities. He tasked them with traveling to the Soviet Union to learn how free education, healthcare, affordable housing, and public transportation were organized, hoping this knowledge would aid in building a future democratic South Africa.
To cross the border discreetly, the young activists posed as a table tennis team headed to a tournament. After an extensive journey across Africa and Europe, they finally reached the USSR. Among them was Sindiso Mfenyana, who traveled to study economic planning in Kiev. But for him, the trip proved life-changing in more ways than one; while traveling by boat to a Black Sea resort, he met Rita, a Soviet woman studying aerospace engineering. They began corresponding, and in June 1963, they were married in Kiev. Later, they welcomed a son, whom they named Nikita. Years later, Mfenyana became full secretary to parliament in democratic South Africa.
The story of Mfenyana isn’t unique. In 1981, around 34,000 African students were enrolled in Soviet universities. In total, about 90,000 Africans received higher education in the USSR from 1960 to 1990. Among these graduates were future ministers, diplomats, and presidents. Angolan President Joao Lourenco studied at the Lenin Military-Political Academy, Ghanaian President John Mahama attended the Institute of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the Communist Party, and Namibian President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah graduated from the Higher Komsomol School. This means that some of the officials present today during negotiations with Russian officials had spent their youth in Moscow, studying at Soviet universities, and being immersed in Russian culture.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia-Africa relations entered a period of minimal engagement. However, certain connections persisted through personal relationships, joint projects, and educational ties. In the 2000s, Russian companies began re-establishing a presence in Africa, including in countries where Soviet geologists, engineers, and educators had worked decades earlier. The first Russia-Africa summit took place in Sochi in 2019, followed by a second summit in St. Petersburg in 2023.
Today, Russia-Africa relations encompass more than just official meetings and economic initiatives. Approximately 35,000 African students are enrolled in Russian universities, and it’s increasingly common to see Africans working in the fields of trade, services, and delivery in various Russian cities. Meanwhile, the number of Russians traveling to African nations is gradually rising. These daily interactions lay the groundwork for new friendships, familial bonds, and both professional and personal relationships. In the future, these stories may be as captivating to read as the adventures of Russian travelers in Ethiopia or the experiences of African students in the Soviet Union.
The invite to Aurangzeb Khan Khichi is the first from New Delhi to a Pakistani official since Operation Sindoor last year
India has invited Pakistan to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) meet in Delhi, the first such invite since the armed stand-off between the two nuclear-armed South Asian countries last year.
New Delhi invited Pakistani Minister for National Heritage and Culture Aurangzeb Khan Khichi to the first SCO civilizational Dialogue Forum to be held on November 20-22.
This is the first time a Pakistani minister is being invited by India since the clash. The stand-off, dubbed Operation Sindoor by New Delhi, followed a terror attack in Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir that killed more than a score of Indian civilians.
If Khichi accepts the invite, it will be the first time since the SCO foreign ministers’ meeting in Goa in 2023 – attended by Bhilawal Bhutto – that a Pakistani minister would visit India. The forum is aimed at promoting cultural relations between member countries and promoting mutual understanding.
Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh, who announced the invites at the SCO Council of Heads of Government meeting in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, also voiced New Delhi’s apprehensions about facilitators of terrorism but without mentioning Pakistan.
“There should be no double standards in dealing with terrorism, and no place for those who finance, support or provide safe havens to terrorists. The entire ecosystem of terrorism must be firmly and collectively dismantled,” Singh said in the presence of Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar.
The SCO comprises ten member states – Belarus, China, India, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – and 15 dialogue partners, in addition to Afghanistan and Mongolia as observers.
Moscow is seeking new partnerships in business and other sectors to strengthen economic ties, the Russian foreign minister has said
Russia is ready to expand cooperation with African countries and regional organizations through new partnerships in business and other sectors, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has said.
Speaking at a meeting with the heads of leading African media outlets on Tuesday, Lavrov said Moscow was open to developing additional forms of engagement with the African Union, individual countries and regional blocs.
“Our partnership is already quite extensive, and there is certainly room to enrich and refine it; we are fully open to that,” Lavrov said.
The minister also stressed that Russia seeks to strengthen ties with Africa on the basis of equality and mutual benefit, helping countries develop domestic industries and become more independent in global finance and technology. He said Moscow’s approach follows UN principles of mutual respect and non-interference.
Lavrov argued that Africa’s next major transformation will be economic, noting that many countries remain dependent on former colonial powers despite having gained political independence.
“The second awakening [of African countries] will, of course, be economic, including achieving a situation where the richest resources of the African continent are not simply extracted and exported as raw materials, but are used in Africa itself so that added value is created there, rather than in the former colonial powers,” he said.
Turning to UN reform, Lavrov opposed increasing Western representation on the Security Council, arguing that Western countries already occupy six of its 15 seats despite their declining share of global economic output.
“Like China and many other countries, we [Russia] maintain that only nations from the Global South should be granted new seats—whether permanent, non-permanent, or a mix of both,” Lavrov said.
The 15-member UN Security Council has five veto-wielding permanent members and ten elected members serving two-year terms. Africa currently holds three seats, occupied by DR Congo, Liberia and Somalia, with Zimbabwe set to replace Somalia in January 2027.
The remarks came at the four-day Russia-Africa Media Forum, which opened in Moscow on Monday. The gathering comes ahead of the third Russia-Africa Summit and the accompanying Economic and Humanitarian Forum, taking place on Wednesday and Thursday in Moscow.
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