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Gustavo Valiente/Europa Press via Getty Images ; Andrew Leyden/Getty Images
Since his first term in the White House, President Donald Trump has displayed a model of a new Air Force One plane on his desk.
On July 1, his long-held vision became a reality when the aircraft the US accepted as a gift from Qatar, designated the VC-25B Bridge, flew as Air Force One for the first time.
Speaking to reporters before boarding the aircraft at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland, Trump called it the "best plane ever built."
He later landed in Medora, North Dakota, for the dedication of the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library.
Retrofitted with state-of-the-art protective measures and painted in his favored colors of red, white, and blue, the new presidential plane is bigger, faster, more fuel-efficient, and more luxurious than the outgoing VC-25A fleet, which has served presidents since the 1990s.
It has also been brought in and out of service amid operational mishaps and security concerns, such as when Trump secretly switched to a C-32A to fly back from Turkey in July due to threats from Iran, and when the VC-25B Bridge's emergency slide was accidentally deployed in September.
A senior administration official previously told Business Insider that the VC-25B Bridge is "the greatest presidential plane ever built," and added, "We maintain a consistent posture that ensures a safe, secure, and reliable capability for the President of the United States and routinely evolve the capability as required to maintain that posture."
An Air Force spokesperson told Business Insider, "We do not provide specific details on capabilities or provide comparisons between aircraft."
Here's how Trump's new VC-25B Bridge compares to the old VC-25A.
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The first VC-25A, known as SAM 28000, began serving as Air Force One in 1990, and is flying alongside the Qatari-donated plane.
The outgoing Air Force One, a second, identical VC-25A known as SAM 29000, entered service in 1991. It completed its final presidential flight in June 2026.
The VC-25A measures 231 feet and 10 inches long with a wingspan of 195 feet and 8 inches.
ROBERTO SCHMIDT/AFP via Getty Images
The VC-25B Bridge — so called because it is serving as an interim presidential aircraft before Boeing's customized VC-25Bs are delivered starting in 2028 — is larger than the VC-25A at about 250 feet long, with a wingspan of 224 feet and 5 inches.
Koen van Weel/ANP/AFP via Getty Images
Jacqueline Kennedy chose the shades of blue and white for SAM 26000, a Boeing VC-137C that entered service in 1962 under President John F. Kennedy.
The first lady was also responsible for adding the words "United States of America" to the presidential plane.
An American flag was featured on the tail, with the stars facing forward per the US Flag Code.
Andrew Leyden/Getty Images
The Air Force initially rejected the navy paint color Trump proposed during his first term for the forthcoming VC-25Bs, saying a thermal study found that the darker shade would require additional testing to avoid overheating issues. However, Trump got his preferred colors in his second term. He also reimagined the tail's flag design.
"As you know, we've always gone with a straight little noodle and I never loved that," Trump said of the tail's new waving flag design after touring the plane at Joint Base Andrews on June 19. "Now we have a wavy, beautiful flag. We're waving it proudly because our country is doing so well."
US Air National Guard photo by Dale Greer
While traveling at 630 miles per hour, the VC-25A had a range of 7,800 miles without refueling.
The VC-25A is also capable of midair refueling.
Andrew Leyden/Getty Images
The VC-25B Bridge can fly faster and farther than its predecessor, with a range of 8,900 miles at 660 miles per hour.
The VC-25B Bridge is not equipped for in-flight refueling. The forthcoming VC-25B planes that Boeing is building will also not be capable of aerial refueling to cut costs, Air and Space Forces Magazine reported.
Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok
Some furniture and decor had been updated under various presidents — for example, President Bill Clinton's Air Force One conference room featured tan leather chairs, while President Barack Obama opted for a darker chocolate brown. However, the plane's beige walls and wood paneling didn't change much throughout its 36 years of service.
Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok
Trump called the new Air Force One "the world's most luxurious plane." It features a primary bedroom with an en-suite bathroom that includes a walk-in shower, as well as a common area with couches and private office spaces.
The press section is also outfitted with luxurious touches, including reclining massage chairs.
Official White House Photo by Adam Schultz
Boeing is building new, customized VC-25Bs to serve as Air Force One, but the $3.9 billion project — which has since increased to more than $5 billion — is behind schedule. The planes were initially scheduled for delivery in 2024, but the timeframe has been pushed to 2028, prompting Trump to seek his own means of acquiring a new presidential jet.
The original contract was fixed-price, so any additional costs must be absorbed by Boeing.
Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok
Secretary of the Air Force Troy E. Meink told Congress in June 2025 that retrofitting the new Air Force One would cost less than $400 million, while some lawmakers expressed concerns that it could cost up to $1 billion in taxpayer funds.
In July 2025, The New York Times flagged a $934 million transfer of funds from a nuclear modernization budget to update aging ground-based weapons systems to a classified project, which it reported could be the new Air Force One, since the presidential plane is equipped to order nuclear strikes. The Air Force declined to comment.
Ukrainian drones damaged a process pipeline, two butyl-rubber units, and a rectification (distillation) unit at Russia’s Tolyattikauchuk petrochemical plant on 24 October, Ukraine’s General Staff said on 26 October. The damage hits the production chain of solid rocket fuel for tactical and ballistic missiles, it added.
The strike was part of a string of Ukrainian hits on Russian plants over four days, most of which the General Staff links to missile production. Ukraine hit an electronics plant in Oryol on 23 October and struck a battery plant in Yelets on 25 October or the following night. The General Staff ties both to missiles: Oryol makes components for missiles Russia fires at Ukrainian cities, and Yelets makes batteries for Iskander-M systems. Then, overnight on 26 October, drones also went after Voronezhsintezkauchuk, another Russian synthetic-rubber plant. For Tolyattikauchuk, this is the third time this year that strikes have reached its butyl-rubber shops.
The General Staff first confirmed the strike on 24 October with a report of an explosion and fire near the plant. It said the plant makes synthetic rubbers, monomers, fractions, and high-octane gasoline additives, and that its synthetic rubbers are used in solid rocket fuel.
Meanwhile, Russian officials have not named the plant in their statements. However, Tolyatti Mayor Ilya Sukhikh claimed that industrial facilities were damaged and, citing preliminary data, that no one was killed or injured, Russian outlet Expert reported.
Drones hit at least two production facilities, Ukrainian monitoring channel Exilenova+ said. One is the shop where isobutane is turned into isobutylene, a raw material for synthetic rubbers. The other is outdoor unit No. 2 in shop BK-4, which produces and purifies high-purity isobutylene for butyl rubber.
The damage could delay rubber output and the supply of feedstock for other processes, including solid rocket fuel. Tolyattikauchuk can make about 260,000 metric tons of synthetic rubber a year, OSINT-Varta data show.
Tolyattikauchuk had come under fire before. Overnight on 4 April, about 10 drones reached the plant by various accounts. Footage showed fires at storage shops D-12 and D-1 and at the BK-2, BK-3, and BK-4 units, though more sites may have been hit, the analysts added. Ukrainian forces struck the plant again on 12 June, the General Staff confirmed.
Then, on 12 September, a strike set fires at the BK-2, BK-3, and BK-4 shops, an OSINT community Absolutely Reliable Source reported. Without those shops running steadily, the line that makes MTBE, a key high-octane gasoline additive, is cut, the channel noted.
Russia’s aircraft plants still turn out modern fighter-bombers and fighters, enough to partly cover its losses, Ukraine’s military intelligence agency HUR told Ukrainian news agency UNIAN, which published the reply on 23 October. Its older bombers are a different story. Russia has no serial production of new Tu-95s, Tu-22M3s, or Su-24s and keeps them flying through repairs and upgrades, so each one lost for good leaves a lasting gap, HUR said.
Ukraine’s Navy said its Neptune missiles hit six Su-34M bombers at Borisoglebsk airbase in Russia’s Voronezh Oblast overnight into 15 October. Zelenskyy later said four were destroyed and two damaged. The Su-34 is one of the jets that drop Russia’s glide bombs, heavy bombs fitted with wing-and-guidance kits, on Ukrainian positions and towns.
Russia can probably deliver 10–15 Su-34s a year now, HUR estimated. Deliveries grew from eight in 2022 to 11 in 2023 and 12–14 in 2024. But the agency said that trend does not confirm the same pace today.
For the Su-35S fighter, HUR pointed to an average of about 11–12 a year in 2021–2025. It called that a rough benchmark, not an established 2026 output. Su-30SM2 and Su-57 production continues, but reliable rates cannot be determined. Su-30 figures also mix new builds with upgrades of older Su-30SMs, HUR noted.
By the end of 2025, Russia had about 125 Su-34 and Su-34M bombers, which HUR counts together. It also had 140–145 Su-30 jets of various versions, 135–140 Su-35S, and about 20 Su-57s, HUR estimated. These are only fleet estimates, not a guaranteed number of jets Russia can send on combat missions at the same time, the agency cautioned. Some are under repair or upgrade, and HUR is not disclosing the current fleet size.
HUR also named specific 2026 cases of Russian aircraft destroyed or critically damaged. A Tu-22M3 crashed in Irkutsk Oblast on 15 June. Strikes on Engels airbase on 17 July and 28 August hit two Tu-95MS. The first suffered critical damage to its tail section, and HUR treats the second as a probable irrecoverable loss.
The list also includes a Su-35 that Ukraine’s military says it shot down on 8 July, a claim backed by published materials showing debris. It adds a Su-57 crash in Moscow Oblast on 23 July and a collision of two Su-35S over Kursk Oblast on 7 September. Full official details on those two incidents are still missing, HUR noted. Strikes on several Su-57s and a Su-34 at Shagol airbase on 25 April, and on a Su-24 in Crimea on 7 September, were also reported, but the state of those jets is unknown, so counting them as destroyed would be premature, HUR said. The list, as published, leaves out the Su-34s at Borisoglebsk and the Tu-95MS that Russia’s defense ministry said crashed on takeoff in Amur Oblast in late September.
Ukrainian forces are making slow but tactically meaningful gains near Velyka Novosilka that could eventually threaten Russian supply lines in the south, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) assessed on 25 October. The push has already pulled Russian naval infantry and tank units away from offensives elsewhere, according to a Ukrainian military observer ISW cites. The same observer cautions that the advance has slowed.
Russia keeps grinding toward Donbas's last big free cities, yet Ukraine has liberated more land than Russia captured since the start of fall. Each elite unit Moscow sends to plug a gap in the south is one it cannot throw at those cities.
Ukrainian units apparently pushed Russian troops out of Perebudova, Komar, and Fedorivka, Ukrainian military observer Kostiantyn Mashovets reported. He described weeks of intense fighting in the villages. Russian infantry still holds several houses on Perebudova's northeastern edge, he said.
Southwest of Vesele, Ukrainian troops came within 3.1 km of Skudne. Between 12 and 24 October, they advanced 1.5–2 km on average and up to 3.3 km in places, Mashovets wrote. ISW assessed that Ukraine likely pushed Russian forces from a salient northwest of the Fedorivka–Burlatske line. Komar, north of Velyka Novosilka, has long anchored Russian defenses on the road south.
Persistent Ukrainian counterattacks forced Russia to send elements of its 120th Naval Infantry Division (Baltic Fleet) and 40th Naval Infantry Brigade (Pacific Fleet) to defend near Oleksandrivka instead of attacking at Huliaipole, Mashovets wrote. The move "was clearly unplanned and caused precisely by the Ukrainian offensive," he said.
Russia's naval infantry is relatively elite, and Moscow usually sends it to priority sectors, ISW noted. These units fought near Dobropillia before moving south in March, ISW said at the time, when Ukraine's counterattacks were already burning Russian reserves.
Russia also moved part of its 90th Tank Division into the sector, though it was apparently meant to reinforce the push toward Druzhkivka. "Instead, only some of its units appeared there, and a larger part ended up" defending in the south, Mashovets said. ISW has tracked the division's elements in several directions, including near Sumy as recently as September.
Velyka Novosilka sits at a road junction that supports Russia's drive west from Huliaipole to envelop Orikhiv from two sides. Further Ukrainian advances would threaten the rear of those Russian forces, ISW assessed. Mashovets called the Huliaipole–Velyka Novosilka road an important supply route for Russia's 36th and 5th armies as early as July, ISW reported. Ukraine has counterattacked in this direction since early February, contesting Russia's initiative across the front, ISW added.
Russian attacks near Oleksandrivka and Huliaipole on 24 and 25 October made no confirmed advances, ISW said. A Kremlin-affiliated Russian milblogger acknowledged that Russia's advance toward Orikhiv has slowed. Russia is preparing to resume mechanized assaults in the south, Ukrainian military officials warned last week.
Mashovets was cautious about what comes next. Ukraine's advance has slowed to a minimum, and its units will likely have to pause or regroup because their forces are limited, he wrote. He also noted Russian positions southwest of Filiia, near Novopavlivka, which ISW read as a recent Russian advance there.
If Ukrainian troops cross the Huliaipole–Velyka Novosilka road in force, Russia would have to turn part of its 5th Army from facing west to facing north, Mashovets wrote.
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