U.S. District Judge Alvin Hellerstein, who was overseeing the case against Venezuela's deposed socialist dictator Nicolás Maduro in Manhattan, died on Wednesday, Chief Judge Laura Taylor Swain announced.
TEXAS — Gas prices are soaring ahead of the midterm elections, but President Donald Trump's supporters at campaign rallies in Texas say the rising costs aren't shaking their loyalty to the president, with some warning that the country's future is at stake.
"I do experience that costs are high, but I'm in for the long haul and I support everything that he's been doing," one supporter told Fox News Digital at Trump's rally in Lubbock, Texas.
Fox News Digital spoke with Trump supporters at rallies in Lubbock and Corpus Christi, two cities in a state deeply tied to America's oil and gas industry where voters acknowledged the economic squeeze but remained firmly behind the president. For some, concerns about the country's future and the rise of socialism are adding urgency to the approaching election.
The national average for a gallon of regular gasoline stood at approximately $4.25 on Wednesday, up nearly 40% from roughly $3.05 a year earlier, according to AAA.
Trump acknowledged the higher costs during his Lubbock rally while pointing to increased American oil production and his administration's recent energy deal with Venezuela as steps toward bringing prices down.
"Our country is making a fortune while people have to pay more at the pump," Trump said, adding that gas prices are "going to come down really fast."
"The ones we care about are our people at the pump," Trump told the crowd. "And those numbers are going to start coming down very, very rapidly."
During his earlier stop in Corpus Christi, Trump announced the arrival of the first million barrels of Venezuelan oil secured through an agreement with the South American country, which the White House says is being provided at no cost to American taxpayers and will be refined in Texas.
The administration has touted the agreement as a major step toward expanding America's energy supply and supporting domestic jobs, arguing that the additional oil will eventually help lower costs for consumers.
The White House said the broader agreement would give the U.S. majority control over approximately 65 billion barrels of proven Venezuelan oil reserves, expanding American access to energy resources as Trump pushes to boost supply and bring down prices.
Stephen Elsher of Corpus Christi said the economy remains his top concern heading into the midterms, but he believes Republicans are the ones who can turn things around.
"I'd like to see it turn around and do better for this next year," Elsher told Fox News Digital. "Without the Republicans in charge, we won't go that direction."
Meanwhile, the Democratic Party has faced growing pressure from its progressive wing, with democratic socialist candidates gaining prominence and sparking debate over the party's direction.
Trump repeatedly warned voters against what he described as the "radical left Democrat communist" agenda during his Lubbock rally, arguing that Democratic policies would raise taxes, threaten Texas oil and gas jobs, and weaken border security.
"The choice in this election is very simple," Trump told supporters, contrasting his economic agenda with what he described as the consequences of Democratic control.
For some Trump supporters at the Texas rallies, concerns go beyond affordability, with attendees warning that the rise of socialism poses a threat to the country's future.
"We can't lose our republic," Susie, a Corpus Christi supporter, told Fox News Digital, warning that the country is under siege by Democrats, socialists and communists.
Elizabeth Trigo, who attended Trump's Lubbock rally with her daughters, said the midterms are about more than just the next election, pointing to the country's future and preserving opportunities for the next generation.
"I think the main reason this election, the midterms, is a lot of it has to do with the future," Trigo told Fox News Digital. "The most important thing is opportunity again. Trump is on the side of opportunity."
Trigo said she wants Trump to continue fighting the war on drugs and pushing back against socialism during his remaining two years in office.
A little-known congressional maneuver could block members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) from being sworn in as members of the House of Representatives next year, even if they win their elections on Tuesday.
Members-elect must swear an oath to uphold the Constitution before they can become full members of the House. At the beginning of a new Congress, that oath is typically taken en masse by all 435 members, led by the House speaker.
But an argument circulating in conservative circles posits that any member-elect can challenge another member-elect's right to be sworn in, provided they have compiled evidence that that person would not uphold their oath. That would then lead to House-wide deliberations followed by a vote on whether that member-elect has a right to be sworn in.
In the case of DSA members, one potential argument could be the group's platform calling to scrap the current U.S. Constitution and draft a new one. Several DSA members and self-proclaimed democratic socialists have already won primaries across the country.
Rep. Keith Self, R-Texas, suggested to Fox News Digital that he could invoke the maneuver.
"You cannot swear an oath to support and defend the Constitution while actively working to destroy it. The oath of office is not just words you say at a ceremony. It is a belief. It is an oath to our country and our fellow countrymen," Self told Fox News Digital.
"The House has both the authority and the duty to ensure that anyone who takes that oath does so in good faith, without mental reservation or purpose of evasion. As DSA candidates and the Red-Green Alliance gain ground, we must enforce the Constitution as written or risk allowing people committed to replacing it to take seats of power under false pretenses."
The "Red-Green Alliance" is a term used on the right to describe cooperation between far-left groups and radical Islamic organizations or operators.
"Anyone who has personally embraced the destruction of the Constitution has no business being sworn in to uphold it," Self said.
According to an analysis by the Center for Renewing America, a challenge to a member-elect's fitness to take the oath of office can be followed by the House speaker asking them to step aside while the debate begins.
"The objecting member should place the documentary record before the House, and the House should debate whether that evidence establishes that the member-elect remains committed to destroying the constitutional order," the group's analysis said.
The House would then vote on a resolution that "establishes the member-elect’s commitment to destroying the constitutional order," which, if passed, could stop them from being sworn in.
The theory relies on a number of variables. For example, if House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., is elected speaker, he could decide to dismiss the challenge altogether. Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., could do the same if he so chooses if Republicans keep their majority.
Johnson told reporters as much during an event this month in Iowa, calling the idea of him refusing to seat elected Democrats a "nonsense narrative" and vowing, "We are going to follow the law."
It would also raise questions about challenging the will of the people who elected that person to represent them.
Such a move would also be in direct conflict with Supreme Court precedent, meaning it is virtually guaranteed to be relitigated.
The 1969 case of Powell v. McCormack ruled that the House cannot exclude an elected candidate from being sworn in if they otherwise meet the constitutional requirements of age, residency, and U.S. citizenship.
It comes after Adam Clayton Powell Jr., then a senior lawmaker representing New York as a Democrat, was refused his oath of office by the House speaker after winning again in 1966. Powell Jr. had been embroiled in multiple financial scandals at the time.
The House then adopted a resolution barring him from taking his seat, a decision that was ultimately overturned by the Supreme Court.
But that has not stopped Republicans from considering the idea of revisiting the move.
Rep. Tim Burchett, R-Tenn., told the New York Post earlier this month that he would use the maneuver to try to block Darializa Avila Chevalier from joining Congress next year.
Chevalier, whose upset victory unseated a senior House Democrat, is from a deep-blue district and is almost certainly going to win her general election next week.
Burchett told the Post that he intended to declare her ineligible to take the oath over a now-deleted X post from 2019 in which she boasted about wiping her hands on the American flag because she did not have a napkin.
Whether the efforts succeed, the threats underscore the partisan rancor that's taking shape even before the new Congress is formally selected in next week's midterms.
On Wednesday’s broadcast of CNN’s “The Arena,” Rep. Jason Crow (D-CO) responded to a question on if a Democratic socialist can be elected president in 2028 by saying that “I think there are great communicators. And regardless of the moniker
When Abdul El-Sayed ran for governor of Michigan in 2018, progressive media hailed him as the next Barack Obama. El-Sayed did not appreciate the comparison. "I get compared to Obama because my name is funny, and I'm brown, and my politics are about inspiring us to believe in each other again," he toldVox at the time.
In El-Sayed's telling, Obama was a "fairly centrist, middle-of-the-road" Democrat. He did not intend that as a compliment. El-Sayed believed the administration's policies were not nearly progressive enough—indeed, he believed Obama had betrayed the agenda he ran on. The far-reaching financial, environmental, and labor regulations that Obama pushed through were not nearly enough for El-Sayed.
El-Sayed ultimately fell short in the 2018 Democratic gubernatorial primary. Eight years later, he's a much savvier political operative; now running for the U.S. Senate, he has welcomed Obama's support this time. Yet El-Sayed's commitment to a left-wing agenda has hardly diminished. If he defeats his opponent, former Rep. Mike Rogers (R–Mich.), he will be one of the most far-left politicians to win a statewide election in recent memory—and in a purple-ish swing state that President Donald Trump won twice.
Like his friend and mentor Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.), El-Sayed is not a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA); unlike Sanders, El-Sayed maintains that he is a capitalist rather than a socialist. Yet his political project has much in common with the DSA, and he has given every indication that he will align himself with DSA-affiliated members of Congress—veterans such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D–N.Y.) and likely newcomers such as Darializa Avila Chevalier and Claire Valdez, both of New York, who rode similar waves of populist resentment to victory over establishment Democrats.
El-Sayed's left-wing bona fides were evident during his debate with Rogers on October 8. The Democrat proposed giving the federal government vast new powers: up to 50 percent control over AI companies, a socialized health insurance program along the lines of Medicare for All, and price controls on the domestic oil industry. Asked what he would do to bring down the national debt and pay for all the new spending he wants, he had a simple, three-word answer: "Tax. Billionaire. Wealth."
El-Sayed's support for higher taxes exempts one important constituency: seniors. Like many Democrats—andRepublicans such as Rep. Nancy Mace (R–S.C.)—El-Sayed wants to exempt retirees from property tax increases, a policy that critics have branded "total boomer luxury communism" because it forces younger, less wealthy Americans to shoulder ever more of the social burden. The new wave of leftist Democrats think that higher taxes on the 1 percent, combined with cuts to the military budget, would be sufficient to pay down the debt while vastly expanding the social safety net.
In fact, El-Sayed has proposed tying Pentagon spending to education, such that an increase in money for the military would necessitate more funding toward schools. Don't expect this to work the other way around: Under El-Sayed's plan, a decrease in Pentagon spending would not force the government to stop throwing so much money at failing schools.
Ann Arbor and Onward
El-Sayed was born on Halloween in 1984. He grew up in Bloomfield Hills, an affluent, predominantly white suburb north of Detroit. His parents divorced when he was young, and El-Sayed lived with his Egyptian father and white stepmother. In high school, he was captain of the football, wrestling, and lacrosse teams. He continued to play on a club lacrosse team at the University of Michigan, which he attended from 2003 to 2007. (We overlapped briefly, though I never met him: I attended Michigan from 2006 to 2010.)
That meant going to Ann Arbor, a progressive college town with a long history of radical activism. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), the prototypical '60s New Left student activist group, was founded in Ann Arbor in 1960; its first president, Alan Haber, still lives there. The White Panther Party, a sort of hippie counterpart to the Black Panthers, was based in Ann Arbor for a while; in the 1970s, the socialist Human Rights Party won multiple seats on city council. Liberalism, as well as radicalism, has thrived in Ann Arbor: The same year the SDS was born, future President John F. Kennedy came to the town to propose the international volunteer organization that eventually emerged as the Peace Corps. In the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries, the student-run Michigan Daily naturally endorsed the inspirational liberal candidate, Obama, over the establishment favorite, Hillary Clinton.
Over the course of the next decade—as left-wing enthusiasm for the Obama project faded and was replaced by bitter disappointment—El-Sayed enrolled in Oxford University and then Columbia University, pursuing a career in public health. (He never completed a residency, which has led to some scrutiny, even from friendly media figures, regarding his decision to describe himself as a physician.) In 2015, the mayor of Detroit appointed him the city's executive health officer. He resigned that position in 2017 to run for governor. That pattern repeated itself a few years later: He was appointed health director of Wayne County, which includes Detroit, in 2022, and resigned in 2025 to run for Senate.
Unlike in 2018, El-Sayed's hard-left politics and contempt for the Democratic establishment were now well-calibrated to prevail in the primaries. He defeated a more moderate candidate, Rep. Haley Stevens (D–Mich.), in part due to her support for Israel—an issue that El-Sayed frequently discusses. The same phenomenon has played out all over the country, with establishment Democratic figures paying a huge price when perceived as indifferent to voter outrage over Israel.
What works in the Democratic primaries does not always do as well in the general election. But while El-Sayed's politics are well to the left of the state he seeks to represent, the president's unpopularity may be enough to push him over the finish line. El-Sayed is narrowly ahead of Rogers in the latest polling. The Republican has finally resorted to breaking with the president on key policy issues—he has said that he wishes to end some of Trump's tariffs, conceding that "Canada is not our enemy"—but it may be too little too late.
Moreover, El-Sayed's left-wing foreign policy positions, which are not necessarily antithetical to libertarian views, count for more in Michigan than in other places. The state has a significant Arab-American population that politicians have ignored at their peril. In 2024, dissatisfaction with President Joe Biden's failure to curtail Israel's war on Gaza prompted many Arabs in Michigan to cast ballots for Green Party candidate Jill Stein, or even Trump, over Democratic nominee Kamala Harris. Republicans have sought to portray El-Sayed as insufficiently supportive of Israel, but that doesn't always play well in Michigan—particularly at a time when dissatisfaction with Trump's blunders in the Middle East is strong among Democrats, independents, and even many Republicans.
El-Sayed does have a possible Achilles heel on foreign policy: His association with the far-left Twitch streamer Hasan Piker. To many outside observers, the candidate's courting of Piker reads as a huge unforced error. Not only did El-Sayed seek the approval of an internet personality best known for praising authoritarian governments and evincing sympathy for terrorist groups, but he brought Piker to Michigan, put him in front of a camera, and made him a de facto representative of the campaign. For everyone except the toxically online, Piker is a bizarre and marginal shock jock, a man who says things like "America deserved 9/11." Piker is what happens when you pay too much attention to podcasts. He is also a reminder that while the insurgent left often claims to speak for ordinary, blue-collar working people, its agenda tends to be most popular with the affluent and elite-educated. In El-Sayed's showdown with Stevens, polls had her up 22 points with noncollege voters and 46 points with black voters. (Stevens herself is white.)
Yet El-Sayed prevailed, and he dealt with the Piker issue by shunting him to the sidelines. When asked about Piker, El-Sayed dutifully recites that a Twitch streamer from California has nothing to do with a Senate race in Michigan. (The obvious retort is Well, you brought him here.) He has also adopted right-coded language to explain why he should not be held responsible for Piker's inflammatory comments, tellingPolitico that he was over "this whole gotcha game, platform policing, cancel culture."
The GOP, meanwhile, may have gone overboard in the other direction. Rogers, a traditional Republican more in the George W. Bush mold than the Trump mold, is not exactly a right-wing firebrand, yet he could not stop himself from suggesting that El-Sayed has some sort of connection to Islamic terrorists. Just as Democrats should genuinely worry that linking up with people like Piker will cost them Jewish votes, Republicans should think more about whether reflexively calling Muslims terrorists is a bad strategy to win in Michigan.
After all, the form of radicalism that El-Sayed typifies is not really Islamic. It's not even foreign. It's the radicalism of left-wing economics, of making the federal government larger and more robust. He wants to prohibit corporations from buying houses and to punish companies like Airbnb over "housing dislocation." He wants to raise the capital gains tax, the inheritance tax, and the top marginal tax rates. He wants to give the Federal Trade Commission expansive new powers. He thinks higher education should be free for everyone. If he makes it to the Senate, El-Sayed will be a reliable vote for the Sanders agenda, including moratoriums on new data center construction, a much stronger Environmental Protection Agency, and, of course, Medicare for All. Indeed, one of El-Sayed's most frequent criticisms of Obama over the years has been that the Affordable Care Act did not go nearly far enough, and that it may have even been counterproductive to the mission of building a socialist health system.
Obama appeared alongside El-Sayed in Detroit on October 24. The candidate was savvy enough not to bring up his thoughts about Obamacare.
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I finally watched You Can See Everything, Nathan Fielder's quasi-documentary about Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes. It was made with considerable technical skill, and there's plenty to like about it—but ultimately I landed in the same camp as Reason's Christian Britschgi. We will discuss the film on this week's episode of Freed Up; look for that later today on the Free Media YouTube page.