O Presidente da Argentina estava acusado de burla e vários outros crimos por causa da criptomoeda que lançou e que causou prejuízos a milhares de investidores
Argentine press freedom and human rights organizations have condemned President Javier Milei for threatening journalists who investigated the $LIBRA cryptocurrency scandal, warning that his remarks could expose media workers to violence and undermine freedom of expression.
RELATED: Argentine Court Rules Milei University Funding Decree Unconstitutional
Speaking at a dinner hosted Friday by the Fundación Faro think tank, Milei attacked journalists who covered the $LIBRA case, accusing them of spreading false information and coordinating a political operation against his administration.
The remarks came hours after a court dismissed the judicial case involving the cryptocurrency, a digital asset promoted by Milei in February 2025 whose sharp price fluctuations harmed thousands of investors.
Text Reads: 🗣️ Argentine President Javier Milei stated on Friday that “the ones who should be burned at the stake are the sons of b*tches,” after publicly singling out media figures who covered the investigation into the cryptocurrency $LIBRA.
⚖️ These remarks were made during a dinner hosted by the Fundación Faro, just hours after the judiciary dismissed the case. Milei specifically mentioned journalists from La Nación, Perfil, and A24.
📢 FOPEA (Forum for Argentine Journalism) denounced an “unprecedented escalation,” warning that such language “legitimizes violence.” The CELS (Center for Legal and Social Studies) described his comments as an “authoritarian escalation,” while the union SiPreBA called for an immediate response from the political and media spheres.
🔴 “The State has an obligation to protect journalists, not to turn them into targets,” FOPEA stated.
During his speech, Milei threatened those he accused of wrongdoing with being “burned at the stake” and singled out five journalists by name: Hugo Alconada Mon, Carlos Pagni and Paulino Rodrigues of La Nación newspaper; Natalia Volosín of Perfil; and Luis Novaresio of A24 television.
“Let it be known that the sons of bitches in Argentina will receive no mercy,” the president declared. “Those who deserve to be burned at the stake are the sons of bitches.”
The remarks drew condemnation from press freedom and human rights organizations, which warned that publicly identifying journalists while using such threatening language could increase the risks they face in their work.
The Argentine Journalism Forum (FOPEA) said the reference to burning journalists at the stake, coupled with the president’s naming of specific media professionals, marked a significant escalation in government hostility toward the press.
“The state has an obligation to protect journalists, not turn them into targets,” the organization said. It urged Milei to stop stigmatizing journalists and called on political leaders, lawmakers and other institutions to publicly respond to the incident.
The Center for Legal and Social Studies (CELS) described the episode as an “authoritarian escalation” in a statement published on X. The organization warned that when a head of state publicly casts critics as enemies, it can encourage attacks and undermine democratic debate. It also argued that insults and defamatory attacks against journalistic work must have limits.
❌ESTO NO ES UN REPUDIO,
— SiPreBA – Sindicato de Prensa de Buenos Aires (@sipreba) October 24, 2026
ES UN LLAMADO A LA ACCIÓN
🔊FRENEMOS LA INQUISICIÓN DE MILEI
El presidente Milei volvió a cruzar un límite gravísimo. La instigación a “quemar en la hoguera” a un grupo de periodistas debe generar una reacción inmediata de todo el arco político y… pic.twitter.com/XrXOohrVDe
Text Reads: ❌THIS IS NOT A REJECTION,
IT’S A CALL TO ACTION
🔊LET’S STOP MILEI’S INQUISITION
President Milei has once again crossed a gravely serious line. The incitement to “burn at the stake” a group of journalists must provoke an immediate reaction from the entire political and media spectrum to halt the attacks on our profession. There will be no room for regrets if the violence promoted by the President ends up turning into facts.
This government, which nearly killed photographer Pablo Grillo in a savage crackdown, now calls, in the voice of its highest representative, to assault our colleagues, as has already happened. We send our solidarity to @halconada, @CarlosPagni2, @nataliavolosin, @paulinor76and @luisnovaresio and place ourselves at their disposal.
With threats on social media, repression in the streets, and attacks on rights in Congress, they seek to silence the press. From SiPreBA, we call to defend the Journalist’s Statute and to respond with more democracy in the face of the return to the Inquisition proposed by the Executive Branch.
CELS said the incident was part of a broader pattern of hostility toward media workers, including harassment, attacks on digital platforms and repression of journalists covering public demonstrations.
The Buenos Aires Press Union (SiPreBA) also condemned the president’s remarks, calling for an immediate response from political and media figures to stop the attacks. The union expressed solidarity with the journalists targeted by Milei and warned of the possible consequences of his rhetoric.
“There will be no room for regret if the violence promoted by the president ends up turning into actual incidents,” SiPreBA said.
The organizations called for political and institutional action to protect journalists and counter hostility toward the press following Milei’s public targeting of reporters who investigated the $LIBRA case.
Flooding along the Paraná River has forced about 4,200 families to evacuate in eastern Paraguay and inundated neighborhoods in Argentina’s Corrientes province, as authorities warn that further rainfall could worsen conditions in the coming days.
RELATED: Paraguay Evacuates 4,200 Families as Parana River Overflows
Ciudad del Este, in Paraguay, is among the hardest-hit areas, with more than 1,000 households affected. In Argentina, a breached flood barrier in Paso de la Patria has sent water hundreds of meters inland, submerging streets and creating additional safety risks.
Heavy rainfall across the Paraná River basin has prompted civil protection agencies and local authorities in both countries to assist displaced residents, distribute sandbags and establish temporary shelters.
In Paraguay’s Alto Paraná department, the neighborhood of Remansito in Ciudad del Este has suffered severe flooding. Around 35 families involved in recycling were forced to leave their homes after their plots were inundated.
🌊 La crecida del río Paraná obligó a evacuar a unas 4.200 familias en el este de Paraguay. ⚠️ En Ciudad del Este hay más de 1.000 hogares damnificados y 35 familias del barrio Remansito debieron abandonar sus viviendas. #teleSUR #Paraguay #22Oct #AméricaLatina… pic.twitter.com/0TV9HiUCkP
— teleSUR TV (@teleSURtv) October 23, 2026
Residents have blamed the rapid rise in water levels on the opening of floodgates at the Itaipu Binacional hydroelectric plant. The dam’s administration has rejected claims that the operation was the main cause of the flooding, saying the gates were opened in accordance with technical safety protocols for operational contingencies.
The emergency has also severely affected Paraguay’s Ñeembucú department, particularly the localities of Ayolas and Cerrito. Residents have organized community kitchens to provide food and basic supplies to evacuees.
Across the border, Paso de la Patria has become one of the most vulnerable areas in Corrientes province after an embankment near the Don Julián cabin area gave way. Water levels at the town’s port reached 7.79 meters.
The breach allowed floodwaters to advance as far as 300 meters inland, inundating the Los Pescadores, La Isla and Señoran neighborhoods, as well as areas around the Huajó stream.
The rising water has also submerged the Pinín Palma amphitheater and Isla de los Pájaros. The presence of potentially dangerous wildlife, including caimans, in residential areas has added to concerns over public safety. The flooding has also hit a town whose economy relies heavily on tourism and sport fishing.
Residents have described the difficulty of escaping the rising waters. Ismael Ali, who lives in Los Pescadores, said he was surrounded by floodwater with nowhere to go, while neighbors fled as best they could and tried to rescue their dogs.
Although the Paraná’s level in the Argentine sector fell by 40 centimeters on Friday, authorities warned that the decline might be temporary. Heavy storms continuing upstream in Brazil could cause water levels to rise by as much as another meter in the coming days.
Paraguay’s Directorate of Meteorology and Hydrology has forecast continued rainfall through the weekend, raising the risk of landslides. Municipal authorities and rescue teams in both countries are continuing to distribute sandbags, open temporary shelters and monitor riverside areas. Residents have been warned to remain alert for further rainfall and possible hail.
Federal Oral Tribunal 5 allowed the former President and the deputy to attend the opening session virtually, with the favorable vote of judges José Michilini and Fernando Machado Pelloni. The ruling sought to coordinate the deputy’s parliamentary schedule and simplify transfer logistics from the home where the former president is serving a sentence.
The remote format was granted exceptionally, only for the formal reading of the indictment and the order sending the case to trial. The tribunal said later hearings will be in person for all defendants.
RELATED: Cristina Kirchner’s Defense Seeks UN Help to Lift Public Office Ban
The case covers 19 people, including businessmen Lázaro Báez, Cristóbal López and Fabián de Sousa. Hearings are set for Mondays, Fridays and Saturdays, including the January 2027 judicial recess, when the defense lawyers must attend in person every day.
With over 300 witnesses initially slated to testify, the dynamics of witness credibility and testimonies would play a crucial role in shaping the outcome, but it was reduced by agreement between the parties.
[JUSTICIA] Terminó la audiencia por Hotesur y Los Sauces: solicitaron que Cristina Kirchner sea juzgada como "jefa de una asociación ilícita, coautora de lavado de activos y admisión de dádivas", y su hijo, Máximo, fue imputado como "organizador del entramado criminal". https://t.co/3s4n4ORbW3 pic.twitter.com/VbWP9G9bve
— ElCanciller.com (@elcancillercom) October 23, 2026
The prosecution alleges that Kirchner’s family bought hotels and apartments, rented them to businessmen, mainly Báez, and laundered illegal money from public works.
The defense’s argument about the legitimacy of the funds is crucial. The defense, led by Carlos Beraldi and Ary Llernovoy, says the properties were bought with declared funds, including assets the family owned before Néstor Kirchner became Mayor of Río Gallegos, and that rentals were invoiced, banked and at market prices. The defense says similar claims were dismissed in three illicit enrichment cases. None of these claims has been tested at trial, and the defendants are presumed innocent.
Lawyer Carlos Beraldi maintained from the start that the hotels operated, collected and paid taxes like any other business. In September 2023, Chamber I of the Federal Chamber of Cassation revoked a previous dismissal and ordered that the trial go ahead.
The merged file brings together two fronts. Hotesur concerns the family’s hotel operation, while Los Sauces covers the real estate company at the center of the billing accusation.
The Cassation court removed the two judges who had dismissed the case and left only Palliotti, the magistrate who had voted to convict Cristina and Máximo Kirchner.
The same account recalls that in November 2021 judges Adrián Grünberg and Daniel Obligado dismissed the case against all defendants, with Adriana Palliotti dissenting, relying on an accounting expert report that found no harm. In September 2023, the Cassation Chamber overturned that decision and ordered a trial.
The opening of the process was preceded by an episode described as embarrassing. The Cassation court ordered the Federal Oral Tribunal 5 to merge the Hotesur and Los Sauces cases into a single proceeding and to begin it this Friday.
It is the first time in the country’s history that the Cassation court has dictated how a trial must be conducted, a power that normally belongs to each oral tribunal. Political pressure mounted after a Supreme Court resolution, and the judges had only 72 hours to unify the files. The order left the tribunal with no margin to set its own calendar.
The core of the Los Sauces case is the billing of the family’s real estate firm. According to the accusation, 88% of everything the company collected between 2009 and 2016 came from businesses controlled by Báez and from the Indalo Group.
The Hotesur portion of the merged case has not yet been read in court. The next hearings, set for October 26 and October 30, will determine how the combined process advances.
Text reads: “When there is political persecution, the times in the judiciary are always electoral.”
Palmeiras e Estudiantes terão um objetivo em comum na final da Copa Libertadores de 2026: colocar seu país à frente do rival no ranking histórico de títulos do torneio. A decisão, marcada para 28 de novembro, em Montevidéu, no Uruguai, colocará em jogo a possibilidade de Brasil ou Argentina se tornar o maior campeão da competição de forma isolada.
Os dois países chegam à decisão com 25 conquistas cada. O Palmeiras representa o futebol brasileiro após eliminar o Fluminense nos pênaltis, enquanto o Estudiantes garantiu sua vaga ao superar o Flamengo. Além do troféu, o confronto terá impacto direto na disputa histórica entre as duas nações.
A presença do Estudiantes na final abre a possibilidade de interromper uma sequência de sete títulos consecutivos de clubes brasileiros na Libertadores. A última vez que uma equipe argentina levantou a taça foi em 2018, quando o River Plate venceu o Boca Juniors em uma decisão disputada em dois jogos.
Na edição seguinte, a competição passou a ter finais em partida única. Desde a mudança, nove equipes diferentes chegaram à decisão: Flamengo, Palmeiras, Santos, Athletico-PR, Fluminense, Botafogo e Atlético-MG, pelo Brasil, além de River Plate e Boca Juniors, pela Argentina.
O domínio brasileiro também se reflete nos confrontos decisivos entre equipes do mesmo país. Das últimas seis finais, cinco reuniram dois clubes brasileiros. Agora, o Estudiantes tenta mudar esse cenário e voltar a conquistar a Libertadores depois de 27 anos, além de evitar que a Argentina perca a igualdade no número de títulos.
O Palmeiras, por sua vez, pode alcançar o quarto troféu continental. Se vencer, o time paulista chegará ao tetracampeonato e igualará o Flamengo, que atualmente é o clube brasileiro com mais títulos da Libertadores.
A decisão será disputada no Estádio Centenário, em Montevidéu, no dia 28 de novembro.
Leia também
The post Palmeiras e Estudiantes decidem liderança histórica entre Brasil e Argentina na Libertadores appeared first on Diário da Manhã - O Jornal do leitor Inteligente.
C’è uno strano caso di “miracolo” economico che riesce a far quadrare i conti dello Stato mentre manda fuori squadra quelli di chi lavora, produce, consuma. Se volete toccare con mano, prendete un aereo per Buenos Aires, nell’Argentina di Javier Milei, il presidente con la motosega anti-sprechi, anti-spesa pubblica, anti-tutto. Uno strumento che, a giudicare dai risultati, funziona egregiamente. Il punto è capire che cosa stia tagliando.
All’atto del suo trionfale avvento, nel 2023, Milei era stato dipinto come un auspicato innovatore della deregulation contro-statalista in salsa sudamericana. Esaltato in primis dagli opinionisti turbo-liberali mai sazi di sforbiciate al deficit, pareggi di bilancio, privatizzazioni e tutto il ben noto pacchetto di riforme degli emuli, o nostalgici, della “filosofia” ultraliberista.
Partiamo dalle imprese: tra novembre 2023 e luglio 2026, secondo i registri ufficiali argentini, 32.290 datori di lavoro in meno (-6,3%) e 437.600 posizioni lavorative perdute (-4,4%). Non tutti fallimenti o licenziamenti, ma senz’altro una bella emorragia. In Argentina, il piatto piange, ma letteralmente, non per modo di dire. Prendete la carne bovina, icona nazionale del comparto alimentare: 46,3 chili annui pro capite nel luglio 2026, il 9,4% in meno rispetto all’anno precedente. Nel Paese dell’asado, anche la bistecca è diventata un lusso.
Quanto alle pensioni, il bonus per i trattamenti più bassi è congelato a 70.000 pesos dal marzo 2024. I prezzi, ovviamente, no: e il taglio delle pensioni “povere” vien da sé, per opera dell’inflazione, senza colpo ferire e senza bisogno di scomodi interventi “strutturali”. Infine la povertà: risalita dal 28,2% al 32,3% nel primo semestre 2026, con il 7,5% degli argentini nell’indigenza.
Certo, Milei ha ottenuto risultati importanti sul piano della stabilizzazione: avanzo fiscale nel 2024 e nel 2025, inflazione mensile scesa all’1,9 per cento nel settembre 2026. Liquidare questi risultati come inesistenti sarebbe poco onesto. Ma confondere il miglioramento degli indicatori fiscali e monetari con il benessere e la qualità della vita dei cittadini è un errore ancor più grave.
Uno Stato non è un’azienda, e tanto meno un foglio Excel dove l’unica variabile degna di nota è il saldo entrate-uscite e dove i benefici sono sempre e solo quelli rilevabili con l’occhiuta tigna di un cassiere. Né il giudizio su un Paese può essere appaltato in esclusiva alle agenzie di rating. Esso deriva anche da come sono tutelati i suoi abitanti (sul piano del welfare, della sanità, della vecchiaia), da quanto l’ecosistema economico sia favorevole anche alle piccole e medie imprese, dall’adeguatezza dei salari dei suoi lavoratori, dal potere d’acquisto delle sue famiglie.
Per capire la filosofia che ispira il format albiceleste, bisogna fare un salto indietro di mezzo secolo. Destinazione: Cile, anni Settanta. All’indomani del colpo di Stato di Pinochet, i cosiddetti Chicago Boys, economisti cileni formatisi nell’ambiente accademico dell’Università di Chicago, contribuirono a realizzare un radicale programma di liberalizzazioni, privatizzazioni, disciplina monetaria e ridimensionamento dell’intervento statale.
Naturalmente il Cile di Pinochet era una dittatura e l’Argentina di Milei è una democrazia. Ma la genealogia economica degli “sperimentatori” è riconoscibile tanto quanto l’identità nazionale delle cavie, entrambe sudamericane. La convinzione di fondo condivisa è che lo Stato sia omologabile a una SpA, la spesa pubblica un male da estirpare e il mercato il solo prodigioso meccanismo in grado – una volta sbrigliato dai lacci e lacciuoli di ogni pretesa di ingerenza “sociale” – di far quadrare i conti e di generare surplus.
Milei sembra la versione più estrema, quasi fumettistica – persino dal punto di vista lombrosiano, coi suoi rampanti basettoni da protocapitalista ottocentesco – di un’intera scuola di pensiero: un Chicago Boy in grisaglia senza il gessetto del professore e con l’intraprendenza di un boscaiolo.
La parabola di Milei dovrebbe farci riflettere perché – sia pure in modo esasperato e iperbolico – ben restituisce l’esito per molti versi fallimentare, sul piano sociale, delle ricette neoliberiste. Ricette che abbiamo conosciuto sulla nostra pelle sia pure in una declinazione più ordo-liberista di stampo teutonico. E ciò a far data quantomeno dai primi anni Novanta con la fine della tanto vituperata prima repubblica, il celebre incontro sul Britannia del 1992, la svendita dell’IRI, l’avvento dell’euro, la firma dei trattati di Maastricht e di Lisbona che hanno finito per stravolgere, se non per tradire del tutto, lo spirito keynesiano della nostra Costituzione originaria.
Il tutto precisamente in ossequio a quel culto della competitività, delle “lenzuolate” e dei “conti in ordine” che rappresenta una delle matrici ideologiche tutt’altro che secondarie dell’architettura unionista.
www.avvocatocarraro.it
L'articolo Perché l’Argentina di Milei conferma che le ricette neoliberiste sono fallimentari proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.
"As much as the industrial revolution freed us from the constraints of the human muscle, AI will free us from the constraints of the human brain, pushing productivity beyond our wildest dreams….Keep AI unregulated so that it is free to be developed without the deadly hand of premature and poorly understood regulation."
Argentine President Javier Milei wrote that on June 4 in the Financial Times as part of his push to bring AI companies to Argentina. The prior week, he had introduced legislation to boost AI based on three pillars: leaving AI unregulated, establishing a new legal category for nonhuman corporations operated by AI agents or robots, and keeping corporate taxes low. As of late September, the Senate has held hearings on the legislation but not advanced it.
The post Javier Milei's Case Against AI Regulation appeared first on Reason Magazine.
"My contempt for the state is infinite."
—Javier Milei, explaining his willingness to make deep cuts to existing spending and regulation in Argentina, from an interview with The Economist in 2024.
The post How Much Contempt Does Javier Milei Have for the State? appeared first on Reason Magazine.
The Holy See press office released operational details of the journey after doctors cleared international travel, noting that the Pope requires no additional oncological treatment.
The Pope’s visit will include prisons, care homes for people with disabilities and meetings with workers’ organizations, reflecting an institutional intention to weigh in on debates over social justice, labor rights and the plight of the most vulnerable sectors.
RELATED: Vatican Confirms Successful Lung Surgery for Pope Leo XIV
His itinerary opens November 8 with a 4:30 P.M. local time arrival at Jorge Newbery Airport aboard a flight from Uruguay. From there he will pay tribute at the General San Martin Monument before attending a protocol reception hosted by President Javier Milei and meeting with diplomats.
The following day brings a packed schedule. Pope Leo will visit the Cottolengo in Don Orione, in Claypole, preside over a massive outdoor mass at the Monument to the Spaniards, meet with the labor sector at the Argentinean Catholic University, lead an interreligious gathering at San Martín Palace and dine with bishops at the Archbishopric.
During the welcoming session for newlyweds at the general audience, a couple said to Pope Leo XIV: “Papa, we’ll be waiting for you in Argentina!” The Pope replied enthusiastically: “Argentina—let’s go!” https://t.co/ut3jm7A7qB
— FrischeBriese (@FrischeB17467) October 22, 2026
On November 10 the tour moves inland to Cordoba province, where he will celebrate a liturgical ceremony at the Military Aviation School and walk through the of Nuestra Señora de la Asuncion Cathedral. He returns to Buenos Aires that night to preside over a youth vigil.
His final day, November 11, begins at the Federal Penitentiary Complex and continues with a mass at the of Lujan Basiliek. The trip concludes at 2:00 P.M. local time with a departure from Ezeiza International Airport bound for Lima.
Security and logistics teams from the Holy See are coordinating directly with Argentine authorities to finalize arrangements for the Pope’s movement at each public gathering on the schedule.
The visit unfolds in a political and social landscape shaped by the complex economic situation Argentina faces under the Milei’s administration. Structural tensions generated by fiscal adjustment policies and economic deregulation form the backdrop for a papal message that now carries deep political significance. The dignity of work and the protection of the vulnerable are expected to anchor his public remarks throughout the tour.
The confirmation also marks a decisive moment in the Pontiff’s recovery. Weeks after surgery, the international travel signals that his medical team considers the convalescence sufficiently advanced for the demands of a four-day, multi-city itinerary across two countries.
For Argentine faithful, the words delivered from St. Peter’s Square close months of uncertainty. The trip’s official schedule now stands, and preparations have shifted from speculation to logistics as November 8 approaches.
Each year, more than 1,000 southern right whales arrive from the cold waters near Antarctica to the gulfs of Península Valdés, in Argentina’s Chubut province, where they find favorable conditions for breeding and raising their calves. Between May and December, they become a defining feature of the Patagonian coastline, breaching or lifting their tails above the water close to shore. Although a small number of whales are found dead along the coast every year, the sharp increase in cases has alarmed scientists, who warn that this may become a record year for whale mortality.
© PMSBFA - ICB (PMSBFA - ICB / EFE)
Na noite de quarta-feira (14), empresários conservadores, influenciadores digitais e autoridades do governo dos Estados Unidos se reuniram no Andrew W. Mellon Auditorium, na capital Washington, D.C., para a festa de gala da Hispanic Heritage, organizado pela plataforma financeira Latino Wall Street.
O homenageado do evento foi Javier Milei, presidente da Argentina. Seu principal aliado no Brasil, Eduardo Bolsonaro, foi um dos convidados de honra.
Na entrada, convidados trajados com roupas brilhantes e smokings cercaram Eduardo para tirar selfies e apertos de mão. Muitos perguntavam sobre o pai, Jair Bolsonaro, que cumpre em casa a pena de 27 anos de prisão por tentativa de golpe de Estado. Outros demonstravam entusiasmo com a liderança do irmão Flávio Bolsonaro no primeiro turno da disputa presidencial contra o presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
Eduardo conversou com veículos de comunicação identificados com o movimento MAGA (“Make America Great Again”, um dos slogans de Donald Trump), como a ex-boxeadora Cara Castronuova, uma das correspondentes da Casa Branca alinhadas ao governo. Ele também posou ao lado de Javier Negre, comunicador espanhol apelidado de “Rei Midas da viralidade”. Negre é sócio de Fernando Cerimedo, marqueteiro argentino de extrema direita, detido em agosto na Bolívia, acusado de envolvimento em ataque a tiros contra a ex-companheira.
Em determinado momento, na entrada do evento, uma mulher que parecia ser uma das convidadas segurou o braço de Eduardo e ambos olharam para baixo, compenetrados. Eles rezavam pelo Brasil. Quem também tietava Eduardo Bolsonaro era a autointitulada diplomata espiritual, consultora de direitos humanos e empresária gaúcha Luciana Pananos, que mora nos EUA.
Do lado de dentro, iniciada a cerimônia, os oradores no palco falavam sobre acabar com a criminalidade e derrotar o socialismo na América Latina. Na plateia, os convidados, que pagaram entre US$ 3 mil e US$ 10 mil para participar do evento, saboreavam almôndegas de wagyu (carne bovina de origem japonesa), pato defumado com amoras, abacate recheado grelhado e filé-mignon bovino defumado.
“Vamos expulsar o ditador comunista do Brasil”, bradou o homenageado da noite, Javier Milei, após abraçar calorosamente Eduardo, que deu chutes no ar como se estivesse expulsando Lula do posto. O presidente da Argentina disse ainda que os conservadores “não podem ceder um centímetro em nossa reconquista do hemisfério”.
Após a fala de Milei, Eduardo discursou. Ele ponderou que o resultado da eleição ainda não estava definido. Mas o tom era abertamente comemorativo. “Quando confirmarmos a vitória do meu irmão, o senador Flávio Bolsonaro, como presidente do Brasil, vamos entrar em uma nova era, que eu chamo de Era de Ouro da América Latina!”
O deputado cassado adotava um dos slogans de Donald Trump, que costuma dizer que o país vive uma nova “era de ouro” sob sua batuta. “Temos tudo para ser iguais aos Estados Unidos”, completou Eduardo.
Durante o discurso, ele também louvou outros presidentes de extrema direita na América Latina, como Nayib Bukele, de El Salvador, e o colombiano Abelardo de la Espriella.
“Amamos todos aqueles que dificultam a vida dos criminosos”, declarou, acrescentando que “pela primeira vez veremos todos os países [da América Latina] combatendo o narcoterrorismo”. O público aprovou e aplaudiu entusiasmado. Um empresário do setor imobiliário que atua em Honduras disse à reportagem que considerou o discurso “inspirador” e que o Brasil deveria adotar o “modelo Bukele”.
Flávio e Eduardo já visitaram o CECOT, o megacomplexo penitenciário para onde o governo Trump enviou imigrantes que, segundo relatos, foram torturados. Se a vitória de Flávio Bolsonaro se concretizar, o Brasil pode integrar a coalizão Escudo das Américas, formada por 19 países da região e liderada pelos EUA.
“O melhor ainda está por vir”, declarou Eduardo Bolsonaro, prometendo libertar o Brasil, começando por seu pai.
Mais que entusiasta da candidatura do irmão à Presidência, Eduardo é um dos nomes mais cotados para se tornar o próximo ministro das Relações Exteriores do Brasil em um eventual governo de Flávio. Desde que se mudou para os EUA, no início de 2025, o filho 03 de Bolsonaro perdeu o mandato de deputado federal por faltar a mais de 80% das sessões e também foi despojado do emprego como investigador da Polícia Federal por abandono de posto.
No início de outubro, o ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal Alexandre de Moraes expediu um mandado de prisão contra ele, após sua condenação a mais de quatro anos de prisão por fazer lobby junto ao governo Trump contra o Judiciário brasileiro. Mas, no universo MAGA, Eduardo é uma estrela e a eleição de seu irmão é tratada como um fato consumado.
Em conversa com jornalistas antes do evento, Eduardo descartou as preocupações com a ingerência dos EUA nas eleições brasileiras e voltou a repetir alegações sem fundamento que já foram contestadas: segundo ele, durante o governo de Joe Biden, a agência oficial de ajuda humanitária USAID, fechada por Trump em 2025, financiou ONGs e veículos de comunicação sob o pretexto de combater a desinformação, com o objetivo de impedir a reeleição de Jair Bolsonaro em 2022.
“O Brasil já sofreu uma interferência internacional. O que eu vejo agora é justamente o oposto”, afirmou. A primeira medida de um eventual governo de seu irmão seria “expurgar esse câncer chamado Alexandre de Moraes” do STF, disse ele, referindo-se ao ministro como um “tirano”. Caso contrário, seu irmão não conseguiria governar, na opinião do deputado cassado. Perguntado se voltaria para o Brasil mesmo com o pedido de prisão, Eduardo negou. “Eu não vou puxar uma cadeia sendo inocente, não”, afirmou.
Eduardo circulava pelo salão de baile acompanhado de perto pelo blogueiro de extrema direita Allan dos Santos. Foragido nos EUA desde 2021, quando teve prisão decretada pelo Supremo, o blogueiro é investigado em dois inquéritos sobre a criação de milícias digitais e propagação de fake news.
Presença frequente em eventos conservadores nos EUA, Eduardo também conversou informalmente com Matt Schlapp, presidente da Conferência de Ação Política Conservadora (CPAC), e sua mulher, Mercedes, que mencionou os Bolsonaro em seu discurso e previu que Flávio será eleito presidente do Brasil. “Colocamos a América Latina de volta nos trilhos”, afirmou ela.
Já no fim da noite, enquanto os convidados dançavam ao som de La Bamba, Conga e Macarena, a reportagem conversou com Lena Ruseva, que vestia um longo vestido vermelho estampado com o rosto de Trump e a frase “Drill, baby, drill” (“Perfure, baby, perfure”, slogan de Trump em alusão à exploração de petróleo).
Autodenominada artista America First, Ruseva contou que Milei havia gostado tanto do retrato que ela fez dele especialmente para a ocasião que quis ficar com a obra. Ela também demonstrou orgulho do quadro que teria dado de presente a Trump em um de seus aniversários.
Algumas de suas obras estavam expostas no salão e seriam leiloadas, com lances iniciais de US$ 10 mil. Entre elas, havia uma representação da bandeira americana com o contorno da América Latina. Eduardo Bolsonaro assinou a obra com letras douradas.
“Disse a ele que ficaria com o quadro até que se tornasse o próximo presidente do Brasil”, contou ela.
On March 7, 2024, Cynthia Conforto’s cellphone exploded with calls. On the eve of International Women’s Day events, a sports journalist’s accusation of sexual assault against four Vélez Sarsfield players disrupted plans for 8M. Conforto had been in charge of the club’s Gender Department for only a few months; Vélez is one of the 30 clubs in Argentina’s professional league. The alleged incidents took place during a team training camp in Tucumán, about 750 miles from Buenos Aires.
© Manuel Fernández
Celebrated novelists J.M. Coetzee and F.M. Siccardi recently published a co-written book, Un mal salvaje (A Savage Evil), about their experiences coming of age in South Africa and Argentina, respectively. Both states were created by colonial forces that all but wiped out indigenous populations and cultures. This excerpt juxtaposes the authors’ childhood memories of life in the shadow of genocide, though neither would have known to call it that when they were young. In particular they recall the workers on their families’ land—men they somehow knew both intimately and not at all:
Freek did not see himself as a tragic figure, did not even see himself as a survivor. To see yourself as a survivor of the past you must have a firm conception of that past, you must know where you come from; and Ros and Freek had no such historical consciousness. First, they were illiterate. Second, it was of the essence of the genocide which they had survived that communal memory was erased.
If I were magically able to return to the 1950s and tell Freek about the Khoi who had pastured their stock at the Cape for hundreds or perhaps thousands of years before the Dutch came and laid waste to their society, about a people who were his ancestors, he would have thought it was just a story I was making up. Genocide is not just the destruction of a people, it is also the obliteration of that people’s store of memories and, with it, the destruction of their ability to see themselves historically.
Far-right Argentine President Javier Milei addressed the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly on September 23, giving a speech which provoked strong reactions. The South American head of state also participated in a series of high-level meetings.
One of his most quoted lines from his New York City trip has been: “Argentina is the new promised land.”
This is not the first time Milei has used religious concepts and ideas from the Judeo-Christian tradition to explain his political stance, but it is the first time the Argentine president has equated his country, in economic and political terms, with the land of Abraham and his descendants.
This is even more telling when one considers Milei’s extremely close relationship with Israel and ardent defense of its policies of war and genocide across West Asia, as well as the admiration he professes for the Jewish religion.
Milei also emphatically underscored this during his address to the UN General Assembly: “We also made a geopolitical choice: we have unambiguously aligned ourselves with the West … We condemn the Iranian regime’s attacks on the State of Israel.”
And this is an indisputable fact. Since the beginning of his term, Milei has not only aligned himself with the geopolitical interests that the Trump administration has vigorously pursued, but has also become one of Israel’s staunchest allies in the region.
This is quite impressive, considering that President Noboa in Ecuador, De la Espriella in Colombia, and others have also expressed a kind of unwavering alliance with Tel Aviv.
That is why Milei has not limited himself to diplomatic rhetoric, but has pulled the strings of power to designate Iran’s main military force (currently in conflict with Israel and the United States) as a terrorist organization.
“We declare the Iranian Revolutionary Guard a terrorist organization, just as we continue to seek justice for the two attacks we suffered on Argentine soil in 1992 and 1994,” Milei said at the UN, referring to two attacks in Argentina against the Israeli Embassy and the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA). The Argentine justice system, advised by Israel and the United States, identified Hezbollah and Iranian citizens as the perpetrators.
Another topic Milei addressed during his appearance was his staunch defense of free-market capitalism in which the state plays a minimal role: “We do not want to lose again; that is why we embrace free-market capitalism.”
In this regard, Milei once again highlighted his government’s strong support for artificial intelligence companies and the tycoons behind them. It should not be forgotten that the Argentine government signed a working and information-sharing agreement with Palantir, whose co-founder, Peter Thiel, purchased a property on Argentine soil.
This is clearly part of Milei’s neoliberal agenda to attract investment from major foreign capitalists, among whom the owners of technology companies (who are so interested in resources such as lithium, copper, and others that abound in South America) currently stand out.
However, recent statements by former employees of these companies regarding the danger that the development of AI poses to humanity have created some unease around the world. But Milei says that this is precisely the time to move forward: “Prudence does not mean fear, and what’s more, fear should under no circumstances automatically lead to obedience … where many see a threat, we see a frontier.”
Probably one of the most important aspects highlighted in Milei’s speech was his harsh criticism of the UN and its role in current geopolitics: “Today, unfortunately, it is time to acknowledge that this sacred pact has, in fact, been broken.”
But not content with merely pointing out the shortcomings, Milei asserted (very much in line with Trump) that the UN has become a venue for certain people to amass wealth: “It has become a useless organization that serves only to feed a caste of fatally arrogant parasites disguised as well-meaning bureaucrats.”
Hence, he asserted that resolutions ultimately have no real effect on policy. He cited the example of the Malvinas Islands, a territory disputed with the United Kingdom: “What good is a resolution if, for decades, the other party can act contrary to it, and that resolution remains intact in the archives but is powerless in the face of reality?”
Milei’s statements, while applauded by his supporters, have drawn widespread criticism in Argentina. Much of the criticism has focused on the fact that Milei now seems to staunchly defend Argentina’s right to control the Malvinas Islands, whereas in the past he was cautious and even reluctant to adopt a patriotic stance against the United Kingdom – something both the Argentine left and right have done. “We’re surprised that Milei now remembers when he used to talk about self-determination,” said Axel Kicillof, governor of the province of Buenos Aires.
Likewise, critics pointed out the apparent contradiction in Milei’s rhetoric between extolling the right to self-determination and aligning himself with the interests of Washington and Tel Aviv: “Milei’s stance doesn’t surprise me. The truth is that this line of subservience—and I say this very clearly—is directed at Trump and Netanyahu. Even the terminology is consistent with what Trump proposed and his ideas on the deregulation of artificial intelligence, as well as his view that Argentina’s natural resources are available to anyone who wants to take them,” said Kicillof.
Regarding Milei’s economic rhetoric, Patria Grande leader Juan Grabois said: “Besides being an ignorant imbecile, besides being a lobotomized parrot who parrots Trump, besides plagiarizing Gramsci without knowing he’s “a filthy communist,” what Milei is saying is that we’re basically going to hand over our territory, critical minerals, energy, and national sovereignty to the technocracy.”
Messi’s announcement came after Argentina reached the 2026 FIFA World Cup final under his leadership.
The post Argentina’s Lionel Messi retires from International Football appeared first on BOL News.
In this essay at Panorama: The Journal of Travel, Place, and Nature, writer and professor Samuel Autman reflects on tourism and privilege, especially in a time of xenophobia; traveling as a Black queer American; and the idea of not fully belonging wherever he goes. The sections in Autman’s piece are organized as terms and conditions in a legal agreement, reminding us that when we cross borders, we navigate different cultural and social scenarios, written and unwritten rules, and people who view us as foreign—no matter how at home we might feel.
I found myself asking harder questions about the young men around him, about the relationships, the patronage and the blurred line between generosity and dependency. Mark had paid for many of them to study law, medicine or business. He had even helped one man living in the United States without legal status by paying for him to attend a Spanish-language school.
None of it suggested scandal or anything obviously illegal. But parts of it no longer sat comfortably with me.
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