O terceiro prémio do EuroDreams, de 381,30 euros, saiu a 34 apostadores que registaram os boletins em Portugal, indica o departamento de jogos da Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Lisboa.
Outros 155 apostadores no estrangeiro também ganharam o terceiro prémio, com cinco números certos.
O primeiro prémio especial (50.000 euros/mês durante 30 anos) e o segundo (2.000 euros/mês durante cinco anos) não foram atribuídos.
O EuroDreams, cujo primeiro sorteio ocorreu no dia 06 de novembro de 2023, foi criado para assinalar o 20.º aniversário do Euromilhões.
O conteúdo EuroDreams: 34 prémios de 381 euros saem em Portugal aparece primeiro em O MINHO.
É esta a chave do sorteio do EuroDreams desta segunda-feira, 26 de outubro: 3, 19, 21, 26, 35, 38 (números) e 3 (número de sonho).
Em jogo para o primeiro prémio está um valor de 50 mil euros por mês durante 30 anos (prémio especial).
O conteúdo Os números do EuroDreams aparece primeiro em O MINHO.
O Município de Mértola, através da Unidade Móvel Médico-Social (UMMS), em articulação com a Unidade de Cuidados na Comunidade do Vale do Guadiana, promove, entre 28 de outubro e 30 de novembro, uma Campanha de Vacinação contra a Gripe e a Covid-19 que irá abranger todas as freguesias do concelho.
A iniciativa assume um caráter pioneiro e diferenciador na região, ao apostar num modelo descentralizado de vacinação. Enquanto, regra geral, a vacinação é realizada nos Centros de Saúde e nas farmácias aderentes, em Mértola são os profissionais de saúde que vão ao encontro das populações, através da UMMS, levando equipas de enfermagem às diferentes freguesias do concelho.
Esta resposta de proximidade procura ultrapassar algumas das dificuldades que caracterizam um território de grande dimensão e dispersão geográfica, onde reside uma população significativamente envelhecida e onde as deslocações para acesso a cuidados de saúde podem representar um obstáculo, sobretudo para os cidadãos mais vulneráveis.
Ao levar a vacinação diretamente às comunidades, o Município de Mértola e a Unidade de Cuidados na Comunidade do Vale do Guadiana procuram facilitar o acesso a este importante instrumento de prevenção, promovendo simultaneamente uma resposta mais próxima, acessível, inclusiva e humanizada.
A vacinação constitui uma das principais formas de prevenção da Gripe e da Covid-19, contribuindo para reduzir o risco de doença grave e de complicações associadas, particularmente entre a população mais envelhecida e vulnerável.
Mais do que uma campanha de vacinação, esta iniciativa materializa uma visão de saúde de proximidade, em que são os serviços que procuram chegar às pessoas e adaptar a resposta às características concretas do território.
Com esta aposta pioneira através da Unidade Móvel Médico-Social, o Município de Mértola reforça o seu compromisso com a prevenção, a proximidade e o cuidado, procurando garantir que a distância não seja uma barreira no acesso à saúde.
Ukraine has waited almost a month for US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to sign off on missiles for its Patriot and NASAMS air defense systems, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on 26 October. He ordered his team to raise it with Washington again. Two other US holds on Ukraine, on Starlink speeds and intelligence sharing, have been lifted, leaving the interceptors as the last one.
Russia keeps firing ballistic missiles at Ukrainian cities and the power grid before winter, and Patriots are the only systems in Ukraine that reliably stop Iskander-M, Kinzhal, and Zircon missiles. Zelenskyy has told EU leaders Ukraine needs 300 interceptors to get through winter, diplomatic sources told Radio Svoboda. The holds came as Washington pressed Kyiv to stop striking Russian refineries, which Trump blames for high US fuel prices before the midterms.
Zelenskyy held a meeting on weapons supplies with Ukraine’s defense minister, foreign minister, and commander-in-chief. They reported on interceptors for air defense, above all for Patriot systems. Afterward, Zelenskyy wrote:
“We are working in several directions: with the United States, Europe, and other partners that have stocks of PAC-2 and PAC-3 missiles. In particular, for almost a month we have been waiting for Mr. Hegseth’s signature on missiles for Patriots and NASAMS. I have instructed the team to discuss this with the American side once again.”
Talks with other countries continue, he added. The meeting also covered preparations for November’s Ramstein meeting of Ukraine’s allies, where Zelenskyy wants decisions already on the table carried out faster.
Some of the transfers come from friendly countries and need Hegseth’s approval, because the US must sign off on any re-transfer of its missiles, a US official and three people familiar with the matter said on 19 October. Hegseth has neither refused nor approved them.
A Ukrainian official said in mid-October that only “a couple” of interceptors were left. Hegseth has said the US wants “our guys” to have “the most possible” interceptors, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio insisted nothing was “being deliberately denied to Ukraine.”
In an interview aired on 25 October, Zelenskyy listed three problems from his Oslo talks with the Americans: air defense, Starlink limits, and limits on US intelligence sharing. Full Starlink speeds returned on 24 October, and missile warnings resumed after his 20 October call with Rubio. Progress on Patriot missiles is “very slow,” he said, “slower than the flight of Russian missiles.”
Kyiv has also tried to trade for the missiles. Zelenskyy told US senators he had offered US envoys a 30-day pause in strikes on Russian refineries in return for Patriot interceptors. The envoys showed no openness to the idea.
Trump has called those refinery strikes a disgrace that only pushes oil prices higher. He said it days after striking a deal with Putin to bring Russian diesel back to the US ahead of the midterm elections on 3 November.
Trump treats Ukraine as the weak link to squeeze and wants a visible win partly with US domestic politics in mind, Ukrainian diplomat Oleksandr Khara has argued.
Exclusive: Coordinated airstrikes on territory held by al-Shabaab are driving the civilian population to find refuge alongside a river where rising water levels are a threat to safety. Is it a deliberate military strategy?
The water was rising rapidly. It had already reached Cayni Ali’s waist. Her home, five metres from the flooded River Juba in southern Somalia, never stood a chance. There was nowhere to go. Ali’s city of Jilib was under attack. Repeated airstrikes, said the mother of six, were pinning its population beside the rising river.
“The drones come all the time,” said the 27-year-old. “We hear them constantly. They kill animals, civilians. The town is big but destruction is everywhere.”
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© Photograph: Hugh Kinsella Cunningham
© Photograph: Hugh Kinsella Cunningham
© Photograph: Hugh Kinsella Cunningham
Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images
Big Law has a hard time keeping its lawyers.
It's not just rival firms dangling basketball-player salaries, extra vacation, and branded merch to lure away top talent.
Big Tech is competing for those lawyers, too.
New data shared with Business Insider reveals which firms send the most lawyers to the biggest names in tech.
Pirical, a legal people-analytics company, tracked lawyers who previously worked at the 200 largest law firms by revenue in the United States and now hold legal roles at seven tech companies: Google, Meta, Microsoft, Nvidia, OpenAI, Anthropic, and SpaceX. Pirical filtered out summer associates and interns.
Morrison Foerster and Wilson Sonsini tied for the top spot, each with 40 alumni working in legal roles across the seven companies. Both firms regularly represent tech startups and the investors backing them.
Latham & Watkins followed with 33 former lawyers. Kirkland & Ellis, the industry's revenue leader, ranked 11th with 21 former lawyers working at those companies, tied with Paul Hastings and Sidley Austin.
Pirical's analysis may have missed lawyers whose job titles fell outside its search criteria, said Craig Savitzky, its insights and content editor. He said newer companies, particularly Anthropic, are also likely undercounted because their legal teams are growing faster than public profiles are updated.
For attorneys hoping to land a coveted job at a tech giant, a stint at a white-shoe law firm can be a stepping stone. They can trade billable-hour quotas for a seat closer to the business, attractive pay, and just one client to keep happy instead of dozens.
That combination makes these roles "some of the most highly desirable and sought-after positions" for law firm associates, said Casey Sullivan, a recruiter with CMW Legal Search.
There's another draw, Sullivan said. The companies at the forefront of artificial intelligence are wrestling with some of the thorniest legal questions of the day, from intellectual property to regulation.
"That's where the most interesting work is for lawyers," he said.
Not all law firms are equally effective launch pads. Pirical's Savitzky noted that the firms near the top of the list have deep ties to the tech industry, if not the deepest pockets.
Cooley brought in $2.4 billion in revenue last fiscal year, placing it 29th on The American Lawyer's ranking of top law firms by revenue. But it tied fourth on Pirical's list, with 29 alumni working at the seven tech companies, including nine at Nvidia, a longtime client.
Davis Wright Tremaine, which has represented Microsoft in antitrust and employment lawsuits, has 13 alumni working in the software giant's legal department. Fenwick, which advised Wiz and Fitbit on their sales to Google, has 13 lawyers at the search giant.
Business Insider also sliced the data another way, looking at which of the seven tech giants employ the most alumni from the top 25 firms on Pirical's list.
Big Law is effectively a feeder school for Google's legal team. The company employs 322 alumni of the top 25 law firms on Pirical's list, more than any other tech company studied.
That doesn't necessarily mean Google is the most desirable location for lawyers leaving Big Law. Savitzky said the numbers likely reflect the sheer size of Google's legal department and the decades it has had to recruit from top firms.
Maka Gogaladze’s debut feature looks at generational differences in the context of Georgia’s education system and emphasis on collectivism
The scars imprinted on impressionable young minds can never fully fade away. Aiming her lens at a rocky beach thrashed by crashing waves, Maka Gogaladze opens her intimate film with a painful anecdote from her adolescent years. Through on-screen texts against a stormy sky, the Georgian film-maker recalls the time she dumped all of her poems into the garbage. The impulsive decision was a gesture of rebellion against her domineering mother; Gogaladze had wanted her to feel guilty.
This debut feature would appear, at first glance, to be another act of revolt. Putting her mother in front of the camera, Gogaladze asks probing, at times blunt, questions about the strict education thrust on her in childhood. Together, they talk about piano lessons that ended in tears, and tough academic exams that continued to haunt the director well into her adulthood. Their contrasting personalities are fascinatingly revealed across these conversations in all their tension, yet these sequences also represent a moving effort to reach across generational differences.
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© Photograph: True Story
© Photograph: True Story
© Photograph: True Story
There appears to be little prospect of lasting peace between Iran and the United States while Donald Trump remains in the White House. This is a view that an increasing number of serious actors across the region now seem to share. Eight months into the Iran war, Washington has neither broken Tehran’s resolve nor found […]
The post Why the Middle East is already waiting out Trump’s presidency appeared first on Asia Times.
Cerca de 70% dos cidadãos europeus consideram que a adesão de Portugal teve um impacto positivo na União Europeia (UE) e no seu próprio país. Entre os portugueses, a avaliação é ainda mais favorável: 76% consideram positiva a adesão do nosso país à UE, destacando os seus efeitos na consolidação da democracia e no desenvolvimento […]
If Democrats win the House, and possibly the Senate, a result nonpartisan analysts call plausible, they would gain the power to bring new Ukraine aid to a vote and to push back on President Donald Trump’s deals easing pressure on Russia, Reuters reports in an analysis of how US foreign policy could shift.
The stakes are concrete. Trump has largely halted direct US aid to Ukraine, which lawmakers of both parties had backed, and its current supplies run from packages passed under his predecessor.
Weeks ago, he also waived the sanctions on Russian energy that Congress had written into law and struck a deal to bring Russian diesel back to the market, angering Republicans and Democrats alike.
With both chambers, Democrats could put new Ukraine aid on the floor, and given the bipartisan support such aid has drawn, it could pass with the two-thirds majorities needed to override a Trump veto.
Other steps could be taken, too. Representative Gregory Meeks of New York, in line to chair the House Foreign Affairs Committee if his party wins control, has already introduced bipartisan legislation to block Trump’s plan to return Russian diesel to the global market.
Democrats are also readier than Trump’s Republicans to rein in military spending. They blocked his request for an unprecedented 67% rise in the military budget, to $1.5 trillion, in the Senate, and many say they will try to restore the foreign aid he has withheld or canceled.
The leverage has limits. Even with both chambers, Democrats would still face a president who can veto, and overriding him would require two-thirds of each chamber. The pattern has already been visible in Iran: Trump launched that war on 28 February without congressional approval, and when a War Powers resolution passed with a handful of Republican votes, his administration ignored it.
The US midterms could restore Ukraine’s American aid and curb Trump’s Russia deals, if Democrats win Congress
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