Brazilian progressive leader and incumbent president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva made history last night, defeating far-right Flávio Bolsonaro of the Liberal Party in the second round after coming in second in the first round.

The results were awaited with bated breath after a judge ordered polls to be open for two more hours following complaints from voters who claimed they had been unable to reach polling places due to transportation problems. First the Workers’ Party (PT), and then the Liberal Party (PL), requested the extension, which paused the vote count until 7:00 pm in Brasília, the capital.

With 51.79% of the valid votes, the former union leader, metalworker, and head of the Workers’ Party staged a historic comeback against Bolsonaro, who lost the initial momentum he had in the first round and barely reached 48.21%. This is the first time a candidate who finished second in Brazil’s first round has staged a comeback and won the election in the runoff.

Bolsonaro entered the runoff with a relative – though significant – lead following his victory in the first round of voting on October 4, where he received 47.03% (approximately 56,104,503 votes), while Lula, to the surprise of many, came in second with 45.16% (53,879,538 votes).

In other words, there was a gap of nearly 3 million votes between the two candidates that seemed very difficult for Lula to overcome, especially considering that the remaining votes were split among candidates who were mostly from the right and center-right – a fact that led many to believe that Bolsonaro, the son of former president and currently imprisoned Jair Bolsonaro, would win the runoff.

But Lula, a true legend of Brazilian politics (a labor leader during the dictatorship who won the presidency three times), achieved the unthinkable. Between the first and second rounds of voting, he managed to gain more than 10 million votes compared to the first round – an astronomical figure, considering that Bolsonaro barely managed to gain some 3.7 million votes.

Lula’s victory

After it was clear that Lula’s victory was irreversible, the Brazilian streets were filled with people wearing the traditional red of the Workers’ Party. However, the victory was celebrated by a sort of broad coalition that had formed to overturn the result – one that spanned the political spectrum from classical left-wing parties and movements, to progressive liberals, and even some center-right groups that saw Bolsonaro as a threat to democracy.

In his speech marking his fourth presidential victory, Lula said: “I want to thank the Brazilian people – those who have stood by me for so long – and express my gratitude for the generosity of Brazil’s young people … We are going to change the way this country is governed … we are going to involve the people more. Digital communication will play a very significant role in this administration. I will deliver the best presidential term this country has ever seen.”

“Following our victory, we will have to discuss a new way of governing this country. The people’s participation in this campaign – the students, women, and workers who took to the streets – will compel us to find a new way of governing. This country will never be the same again,” said the reelected president.

Lula also stated that the debates against Bolsonaro and the PL campaign were riddled with lies and “denialism”: “I never thought a person could lie so much in this country, with such brazenness, as if there were not a single shred of humanity within him.”

Finally, he also addressed the problems his campaign faced regarding the dissemination of its messages on social media. The PT repeatedly denounced that the major social media platforms hindered or outright prevented the spread of its political messages, while Bolsonaro’s messages faced no such issues.

Hence, he suggested placing limits on the power of the major corporations behind social media platforms – a stance he has taken on other occasions and which has caused friction with tech giants: “We cannot fail to recognize that a crime in the digital world must be treated the same as a crime in real life. We cannot have monstrous companies of this size – which make billions without paying taxes to our country – trying to alter election results,” Lula said in his victory speech.

Bolsonaro’s reaction

For his part, far-right politician Flávio Bolsonaro said he “rejects” the election results and announced that he will seek to have the election annulled: “We are going to consult with our legal team; we are going to request that these elections be annulled. I will not accept that the rules of the game have been changed in the middle of the game – once again – by Lula’s friends on the Federal Supreme Court.”

Bolsonaro, who delivered his speech to his supporters, was referring to the extension of voting hours. According to his team, the extension was ordered after the polling stations had closed, which, they claimed, violates Brazilian electoral rules – even though the PL itself had also requested the extension.

This is not the first time that Bolsonaro’s supporters have rejected Lula’s victory. In 2022, it was Jair Bolsonaro who refused to acknowledge his defeat. Months later, during Lula’s inauguration, hundreds of Bolsonaro supporters violently stormed several government buildings, after which investigations were launched into an alleged attempted coup d’état. One of those found guilty in the case was Jair Bolsonaro himself, who is currently serving a sentence for that crime.

However, it will be difficult for Bolsonaro’s allegations to gain traction in Brazil’s immediate future. With the exception of Argentina’s far-right politician Milei, South American countries – through their heads of state and foreign ministries – have publicly congratulated Lula on his victory, which amounts to a de facto recognition of his win.

However, the Bolsonaros still have the Trump administration as a last resort, as it has publicly supported the PL candidate, just as it did with his father in the past. This is the first time since Trump began his second term that a candidate he supported in a Latin American country has failed to win, which still raises questions about what Washington’s stance will be regarding Lula’s historic victory – a victory in which, against all odds, he managed to defeat Washington’s candidate and thus halted a wave of far-right victories in Latin America.

Las ventanas de los dormitorios suelen ser de un formato más pequeño que las del resto de la casa. La mayoría no llegan hasta el suelo, razón por la que hasta ahora, nos hemos decantado por cortinas cortas para vestirlas. Suelen ser de tejidos resistentes y de gran calidad, pero que no otorgan la suficiente fuerza en la decoración de la estancia. No obstante, hay una alternativa clásica que destaca por su elegancia: los paneles japoneses.

Seguir leyendo...

España es uno de los mejores destinos del mundo, no solo para disfrutar de unos días de playa o para visitar apasionantes ciudades, sino también para completar rutas de senderismo excepcionales que no tienen comparación con casi ninguna otra en el planeta. La más conocida es, por supuesto, el Camino de Santiago, aunque hay muchas otras que también son muy célebres en el mundo del trekking.

La muestra de ello la ha dado la empresa Sportsshoes, especializada en ropa y calzado de trekking, que ha elaborado un ranking con las rutas de senderismo más bonitas de todo el planeta. En ese listado, en el que 13 de los 20 recorridos seleccionados se encuentran en Europa, hay uno que se ubica en España y que también es muy afamado entre los amantes de este deporte; para encontrarlo, hay que viajar a Andalucía, en concreto a la maravillosa provincia de Málaga.

El Caminito del Rey, entre las rutas más espectaculares

Para realizar el informe se han tenido en cuenta varios aspectos, todos ellos centrados en el seguimiento ocular de los senderistas que realizan estos impresionantes recorridos; con ello, se ha analizado tanto el tiempo medio que los apasionados del trekking se quedan observando el entorno por el que discurren los itinerarios, así como el tiempo medio que se mantienen observando a primera vista y la puntuación total que sacan en ambos sentidos.

Con los resultados en la mano, la 19ª ruta de senderismo más bonita del mundo es el Caminito del Rey, uno de los recorridos más populares tanto de España como de toda Europa y un lugar de peregrinación para los amantes de la adrenalina, ya que se trata de uno de los itinerarios más vertiginosos que se pueden completar en el globo terráqueo; a pesar de la dificultad que entraña, las vistas que se tienen al realizarlo atraen a cada vez más intrépidos y la han consolidado como una de las rutas más impresionantes del planeta.

Quienes se atreven a realizar el Caminito del Rey se quedan observando el espectacular Desfiladero de los Gaitanes durante 2,27 segundos de media, mientras que al llegar, los visitantes se mantienen unos 2,4 segundos contemplando la extraordinaria naturaleza que los rodea, siendo el itinerario que más impacta a los aventureros en ese sentido de toda la lista. La puntuación que obtiene esta ruta malagueña es de 74, lo que le vale para ocupar la decimonovena posición de la clasificación, empatada con el circuito por el precioso lago Bled en Eslovenia.

Las protestas en Albania han transformado el céntrico bulevar Dëshmorët e Kombit de Tirana en el epicentro de las protestas en contra del gobierno. La capital albanesa vive jornadas de barricadas, gases lacrimógenos y un asedio institucional que amenaza con acabar con el gobierno del primer ministro Edi Rama. Una oleada de descontento que nace de un ambiente de tensión interna que se cruza con intereses transnacionales.

La chispa de Sazan y el clan Trump

El detonante que sacó a miles de universitarios y organizaciones ciudadanas a las calles se produjo por un conflicto urbanístico en la costa jónica. A través de la firma de inversión Affinity Partners, Jared Kushner, yerno del presidente estadounidense Donald Trump, cerró con el beneplácito directo de Edi Rama un plan para urbanizar enclaves vírgenes de altísimo valor ecológico: la isla de Sazan y las inmediaciones de Zvërnec, junto a la laguna de Narta.

<a href="https://www.elindependiente.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/3ba72278e5afa46e4856b9d916f1ad6d3deb6ef2-980x653.jpg" class="galeria__start" data-caption="

Manifestantes que ondean banderas albanesas se enfrentan a agentes de la policía antidisturbios.

EFE/EPA/MALTON DIBRA" data-fslightbox="lightbox-tbpe">

Ver Galería

<a href="https://www.elindependiente.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/europapress-7847831-13-october-2026-albania-tirana-police-officers-arrest-demonstrator-during-1200x801.jpg" class="galeria__foto item" data-caption="

La policía deteniendo manifestantes.

Vlasov Sulaj / JNA via ZUMA Press / DPA" data-fslightbox="lightbox-tbpe"> <a href="https://www.elindependiente.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/21a4deb6bc7d2f261bcdfb4a89a77e6fbbc5fd61-1200x800.jpg" class="galeria__foto item" data-caption="

"Que le jodan a Rama, el judío". Pintada antisemita contra el primer ministro albanés, Edi Rama. Bulevar Dëshmorët e Kombit de Tirana.

EFE/Antonio Sánchez Solís" data-fslightbox="lightbox-tbpe"> <a href="#galeria-publi4" class="galeria__foto item" data-caption="" data-fslightbox="lightbox-tbpe">

<a href="https://www.elindependiente.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/a98c5ad9a963fd8bd2ec060dfffcdc48b52ad099-1200x800.jpg" class="galeria__foto item" data-caption="

Protestas en la capital albanesa.

EFE/ Antonio Sánchez Solis" data-fslightbox="lightbox-tbpe"> <a href="https://www.elindependiente.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/12c9ace99ad9aed4623b843e0f3d5ccd72c78b47-1200x800.jpg" class="galeria__foto item" data-caption="

Detenciones en las protestas de Tirana.

EFE/EPA/MALTON DIBRA" data-fslightbox="lightbox-tbpe"> <a href="https://www.elindependiente.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/10/64eb83110c5c5b3a94dcb22ee03014deca156ae0-1200x800.jpg" class="galeria__foto item" data-caption="

Protestante con la indumentaria tradicional frente a los antidisturbios.

EFE/EPA/MALTON DIBRA" data-fslightbox="lightbox-tbpe">

Esta operación, valorada en más de 1.400 millones de euros, desató lo que los colectivos ecologistas bautizaron como la "Revolución de los Flamencos", en alusión a las especies protegidas que anidan en el lugar. Para allanar el terreno al desembarco del capital estadounidense, el Parlamento albanés aprobó una controvertida reforma a la Ley de Áreas Protegidas (modificaciones a la Ley n.º 81/2017 de Áreas Protegidas), diseñada prácticamente a medida para desregular suelos preservados bajo la figura de "inversión estratégica".

Para una juventud que emigra a una escala enrome debido a la precariedad salarial y el encarecimiento de la vivienda, según las bases de datos de Euroestat, la entrega del litoral nacional a oligarquías foráneas supuso una afrenta directa hacia la ciudadanía. Las asambleas estudiantiles, que inicialmente protestaban por mejoras en la educación pública, canalizaron esa indignación contra los resorts de ultralujo que pronto acabó unificando a todas las demandas sociales.

"¿Cómo voy a permitirme alquilar un piso en una de esas torres con un sueldo de 540 euros? Comparto piso con gente que ni conozco porque mi familia ya ha emigrado. Estamos agotados", señalaba Santa, una estudiante de 22 años en una declaraciones recogidas por el medio croata Moj Kraj.

Entre Washington y los avisos de Bruselas

El movimiento del presidente Edi Rama obedecía a un interés por garantizarse un canal de interlocución directo y blindaje político con el entorno de Trump. Sin embargo, esta jugada ha generado incomodidad en Bruselas ya que Albania se encuentra en una fase crucial de su integración a la Unión Europea. Un proceso donde cada paso depende de la adhesión a los estándares comunitarios en medio ambiente y separación de poderes.

Los informes anuales emitidos por la Comisión Europea sobre el Estado de derecho han reiterado su preocupación por la opacidad en las adjudicaciones directas, las asociaciones público-privadas (APP) y la vulnerabilidad de las normativas medioambientales que persisten en el país balcánico. Expertos como Florian Bieber, de BIEPAG (Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group), explican que al acelerar concesiones a empresas americanas antes de completar los pasos a seguir para adherirse a la UE, Tirana camina por el filo de la navaja. Contentar al capital vinculado a Washington a costa de tensar los compromisos adquiridos con sus socios comunitarios.

Desobediencia civil y cargas

Al caer la noche, las protestas ciudadanas suelen convertirse en choques violentos. Sectores de la oposición, se sumaron a la convocatoria transformando el malestar ecologista y estudiantil en una campaña abierta de desobediencia civil (mosbindje qytetare). Los cócteles molotov contra la sede del Consejo de Ministros y el Tribunal Supremo han recibido como réplica cañones de agua y un uso masivo de gas lacrimógeno.

Esto ha disparado las quejas por el supuesto auge de los abusos policiales hacia los manifestantes. El Defensor del Pueblo de Albania (Avokati i Popullit) ha desplegado misiones urgentes en comisarías tras denuncias de detenciones arbitrarias de manifestantes jóvenes. Mientras tanto, la Agencia de Supervisión Policial (AMP) mantiene expedientes abiertos por presuntos excesos en el empleo de proyectiles no letales en zonas residenciales de la capital.

Investigaciones documentadas por la red Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) destacan que el descontento ha calado transversalmente en familias de clase media asfixiadas por la inflación en alimentos y servicios básicos.

La encrucijada institucional de Tirana

Las protestas en Albania demuestran que el relato de estabilidad que el Ejecutivo de Edi Rama proyecta en las cumbres internacionales no se sostiene. Por ello, el desenlace de la crisis dependerá de la capacidad del Estado para abrir canales reales de diálogo con las universidades y frenar el desmantelamiento de sus espacios protegidos.

Tener una chaqueta impermeable es imprescindible en otoño. Hay que contar con mínimo un ejemplar si no quieres ir cargando con el paraguas a todos lados y, de paso, deseas tener una prenda bien cálida. Después de mucho buscar, puedo decir que los modelos de Helly Hansen son los más indicados para cualquier ocasión.

Seguir leyendo...

Varios mecánicos prefieren los vehículos antiguos a los actuales. A pesar de los sistemas avanzados de ayuda a la conducción (ADAS) de los vehículos nuevos, los cuales suponen una gran mejora en seguridad vial, el aumento en averías y la bajada de calidad de los componentes hacen que los expertos coincidan en que, en el conjunto global, los vehículos han empeorado.

Uno de ellos es Juan José Ebenezer, el mecánico de TikTok. En uno de sus virales videos, el experto reconoce que su Range Rover Evoque es un capricho estético de su mujer y tampoco se corta a la hora de calificarlo como "una mierda". Para el Mercedes-Benz CLA Coupé de un cliente, tiene el mismo calificativo, porque, como explica, con 15.000 kilómetros ha entrado con problemas al taller 13 veces.

Opinión del mecánico acerca de la evolución de los vehículos

Ebenezer sostiene que la fiabilidad de los automóviles actuales ha caído en picado respecto a los fabricados décadas atrás. "Los coches nuevos se averían todos y cada vez son peores las calidades, tanto de los motores como en sí del coche", asevera el especialista.

A su juicio, la calidad de un vehículo nuevo ha dejado de estar vinculada al prestigio de la marca o al precio de compra. "Antiguamente lo común era un coche que no te daba averías y lo raro era un coche que te salía malo. Hoy en día, lo que te vas a encontrar más extraño es que alguien te diga 'qué bueno me ha salido este coche', porque ya depende de la suerte; ni de la elección, ni de la marca, ni del motor".

El mecánico insiste en que "fiables y buenos hoy día hay muy pocos coches; coche nuevo no hay ya bueno". Respecto a su propio Range Rover Evoque, aclara que lo adquirió de segunda mano sabiendo que acumulaba fallos previos en la cadena de distribución, la válvula EGR y el sistema AdBlue. Sin embargo, lo compró por gusto estético familiar y no por considerarlo una compra racional o fiable. En ese sentido, llega a ironizar con que preferiría comprarse un motor 1.2 PureTech conociendo de antemano sus fallos que dejarse llevar por la falsa impresión de un modelo moderno.

Ebenezer sigue viajando con un BMW X3 del 2005

El mecánico dice seguir empleando un coche del 2005 con 400.000 kilómetros para sus desplazamientos de larga distancia. Lo considera más fiable: "Si me voy a recorrer Europa entera, me voy con mi coche. Me voy con un coche para reventarlo, para darle tralla, para que no se parta".

No obstante, explica que consigue mantener el Evoque sin averías graves en su taller únicamente gracias a que sustituye el aceite cada 10.000 kilómetros y aplica aditivos, pero sentencia: "Lo que me enfada es tener que hacer estas cosas para que el motor dure más, cuando antiguamente, sin mantenimiento, el coche te duraba muchísimos más kilómetros".

For several years now, politicians, influencers, and intellectuals from Latin America’s new radical right have been speaking about the importance of the “cultural battle” to recover a sort of perspective lost in the past and to underpin a civilizational project that prioritizes the individual, individual freedom, and the free market above all else.

Probably the first to insist on this idea in the media was Javier Milei, the current president of Argentina, who initially made a name for himself as an economist who had no problem insulting his opponents and defending orthodox neoliberal thought.

At that time, Milei, along with his intellectual allies, called for a stand against a purported culture imposed by so-called left-wing elites who had tarnished common sense, Christian morality, and individual freedom, among many other things.

A few days ago, Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella called for a radicalization of his “cultural battle” and ordered the removal of dozens of works of art from various museums in order to restore a culture that has been held captive by the left, Marxism, and other dark (or, as Milei himself puts it, “demonic”) forces.

In reality, the move isn’t particularly original. Back in the United States, Pat Buchanan (a close advisor to Nixon and Reagan) had already advocated for and encouraged inflammatory rhetoric to wage a “culture war” and thus defend a culture tarnished by social change. Among the major intellectual inspirers of this doctrine are the American Sam Francis and the Frenchmen Alain de Benoist and Guillaume Faye (albeit with their well-known differences). Even some Germans in the 1930s attempted to make what they called “cultural Bolshevism” the scapegoat for all their ills.

But the push for a “cultural battle” in Latin America had a more interesting rationale. And it is not so much due to a supposed pragmatic interpretation of Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony – which has been distorted by the new radical right, as well as by much of liberalism and social democracy, which understand it solely as “cultural hegemony.”

No, in reality, the intention behind invoking a “culture war” against feminism, abortion rights, progressive governments, left-wing artists, revolutionary intellectuals, etc., is more of a strategic nature.

For those who are actually, as ideologues, behind the “culture war” projects are not Buchanan, Francis, De Benoist, or Faye, but Hayek, Friedman, and the rest of the neoliberal economists.

The truth is that neoliberalism in Latin America during the late 20th and early 21st centuries was both a resounding failure and a magnificent victory. This apparent contradiction is resolved depending on which social class we are discussing. During that time, the most powerful social classes, economically speaking, managed to accumulate an enormous amount of power and resources, the likes of which have rarely been seen in Latin American history.

But such a level of accumulation in societies subjugated by a global imperialist order (such as those in Latin America) necessarily drives the working classes into conditions of material precariousness that are almost unbearable. Mass migration, uprisings, deaths, the loss of a lifetime’s savings, rising crime, and so on were just some of the devastation left in the wake of the neoliberalism driven by the Washington Consensus during that period.

In response to the crisis, several centrist, center-left, and even leftist leaders won elections in the region in quick succession: Chávez in Venezuela, Morales in Bolivia, Fernández in Argentina, Correa in Ecuador, Lula in Brazil, Bachelet in Chile, Mujica in Uruguay, etc. They sought to resolve a capitalist economic crisis within the framework of capitalism itself, resorting to approaches that combined Keynesian measures with legislation designed to protect and expand rights, especially for the most marginalized sectors.

These were times when (not without contradictions with other political forces, including those of a more traditional left) the economies of these countries improved, thanks in part to high commodity prices on the global market. And with public policies that, in many cases, focused on providing aid and social programs, the situation of millions of Latin Americans clearly improved. Between 2000 and 2012 alone, 56 million Latin American citizens managed to rise out of poverty.

Once the storm of discontent against neoliberalism had passed, the ruling classes decided they’d had enough of progressive governments. But to regain absolute control (since they had always maintained the necessary share of power to influence national decisions), they needed to win back the governments, and to do so, they found themselves at a crossroads.

They knew that the central argument against center-left governments could not be based solely on the economic downturn that followed the end of high prices for Latin American natural resources, but that it had to be grounded in something more – something that would come across as novel, radical, and a sort of conservative revolutionary ideology.

And that is how they found in the “culture war” a niche for ideological propaganda that has had a historic impact on Latin America. In addition to the aforementioned criticisms, they succeeded (through their intellectuals, politicians, influencers, media outlets, social media, and so on) in creating a perceived link between progressivism and corruption, between progressivism and organized crime, and, finally, between progressivism and an alleged erosion of individual freedom.

But the truth is that these kinds of strategies can cause political upheaval like that seen in the region in recent years, during which (thanks to the support of national and international tycoons, as well as support from Washington and other governments such as Israel’s) there has been a string of victories for the radical right, which could complete its winning hand next Sunday in Brazil.

But in the long term, neoliberalism cannot (nor does it intend to) overcome the contradiction inherent in an economy of this nature in countries with clear relationships of international domination. Thus, at the height of this new wave of neoliberal right-wing movements, the first cracks in ideological stability are already beginning to appear, precisely in the face of a material reality that offers no respite from political rhetoric.

The situation of millions of Latin Americans (especially the poorest) is rapidly being complicated by a radical increase in the rate of inequality. The promises made by the new right-wing movements to defeat organized crime show no signs of being a reality or of bringing about clear regional change. Perhaps this is what Nietzsche, another great reactionary, meant when he acknowledged that culture is merely the veneer of something deeper. And that veneer is beginning to wear away very slowly – a process that is nonetheless noticeable if one pays attention.

Durante sus primeros meses de trabajo en una fábrica de muebles de Benicarló (Castellón), José Luis Cerdá, entonces un niño de 13 años, tenía que salir al patio cada vez que venía la inspección. Al cumplir 14 años, sin embargo, ya era completamente legal que un niño estuviera trabajando y eso es lo que hizo este castellonense que tiene ahora 73 años, trabajar y trabajar durante toda su vida.

Primero, en esa fábrica durante 25 años, después con su propio camión como montador autónomo de muebles y finalmente en una tienda del mismo sector en Vinaròs, también en Castellón. Con 55 años, y más de 40 cotizados, José Luis acabó en el paro y ya nunca más logró encontrar un empleo.

"Cuando se me acabó el paro cobré la ayuda de los 55 años, que serían unos 425 euros. Vivía con mi pareja y habíamos comprado un piso, pero ella se puso de baja, porque el empresario también la fastidiaba un poco y no le pagaba cuando le tenía que pagar. Venía la hipoteca y no la podíamos pagar, así que con 63 años, fui a mirar la jubilación y me quitaban un 13%", explica el jubilado, que ha hecho llegar su historia a 20minutos a través de nuestra comunidad, Ciudadano20. "No me cabía otra que cogerla, venían los recibos del banco y teníamos a la hija estudiando, así que no podíamos, no podíamos. Si cobrábamos 450, pues pasaríamos a cobrar 800 o así".

Cerca de 900.000 jubilados como José Luis tienen penalizaciones en su pensión por la aplicación de los conocidos como coeficientes reductores, por haberse jubilado antes de la edad legal, y todo ello a pesar de haber cotizado durante más de 40 años de su vida. Asociaciones como Asjubi40 llevan años reclamando la eliminación de los coeficientes reductores en las pensiones de quienes se jubilaron anticipadamente tras haber cotizado más de 40 años.

Las asociaciones lograron que en septiembre se tramitara una proposición de ley en el Congreso que contaba con el beneplácito de buena parte de los grupos políticos. El anticipo electoral del pasado 5 de octubre deshizo las Cortes, dejando el Congreso en manos de una Diputación Permanente formada por 69 diputados, y haciendo que el procedimiento para aprobar la ley de los pensionistas con coeficientes reductores se viera abruptamente interrumpido. Ahora, las asociaciones están reclamando que la ley sea aprobada por la Diputación Permanente antes de las elecciones y han convocado una manifestación en Madrid para este mismo sábado.

"Es una sensación de impotencia, de ver que he trabajado toda la vida, he cotizado más de lo que tenía que cotizar y me quitan un 13%; cobrando ahora, no llego ni a los 1.000 euros", declara José Luis Cerdá. "Hemos trabajado toda la vida y hemos levantado España. He vivido unas cuantas huelgas, pero, más que nada para luchar para que nos suban el jornal, que nos bajen las horas de jornada, que hemos conseguido muchas cosas y ahora estamos con un 13% menos y se te queda un poquito la cara de tonto porque dices: 'He luchado toda la vida, ¿para qué?'".

Despedidos cerca de los 60

Muchas de las personas afectadas por estos coeficientes reductores se vieron abocadas a la prejubilación tras ser despedidos con edades cercanas a los 60 y haber sido incapaces de reincorporarse al mundo laboral. Alfonso Serrano, que tiene ahora 72 años, pasó toda su vida laboral en la multinacional española de infraestructuras y construcción Ferrovial.

"Cuando tenía 14 años vino una constructora a mi pueblo, en Cuenca, Ferrovial. Y me metí allí de pinche, claro, iba a pasar lista y hacía los recados. Y allí seguí toda la vida, trabajando de administrativo, hasta que me echaron, el 25 de marzo del 2010", recuerda Alfonso, que también ha hecho llegar su historia a 20minutos a través de nuestra comunidad, Ciudadano20. Alfonso vive actualmente en Torrevieja, Alicante, junto con su mujer, que no cobra ningún tipo de pensión tras haber sido ama de casa toda la vida.

Tras quedarse en el paro en plena gran recesión con 56 años, encontrar trabajo de nuevo era una utopía. La economía familiar se basó en el subsidio del desempleo y la indemnización por despido, que utilizó también para pagar el convenio especial con la Seguridad Social, un mecanismo que permite a una persona seguir cotizando por su cuenta cuando deja de trabajar para mantener o mejorar sus derechos de cara a la jubilación. Con todo, a los 61 años, tuvo que acabar jubilándose.

Lo veo bien. No tenían que habernos quitado nada porque hemos estado toda la vida trabajando y cotizando

"No tenía más remedio porque entre los cinco años, los 800 euros que pagaba por el convenio y todo eso, pues el dinero de la indemnización se voló y tuvimos que jubilarnos, me tuve que jubilar porque si no, no podía seguir así", declara Alfonso, cuya pensión actual sufre una penalización del 24%. Tras vender su primera vivienda en Torrejón de Ardoz, Madrid, la pareja se ha mudado a Torrevieja, Alicante.

"La vida tranquila sí la tenemos, pero los gastos son los gastos", declara el jubilado, que ve con cierta esperanza la posibilidad de que se acabe aprobando la ley que elimine los coeficientes reductores para personas en su situación. "Lo veo bien. No tenían que habernos quitado nada, porque hemos estado toda la vida trabajando y cotizando".

Miedo al futuro

No solo los pensionistas actuales están atentos al futuro de la ley que eliminaría los coeficientes reductores. Muchas personas que aún no están jubiladas ya se ven abocadas a una pensión reducida en los próximos años si no hay cambios legislativos. Es el caso de Tomás Gutiérrez, un charcutero que fue despedido tras 40 años "al servicio de la empresa" y con una perspectiva más que complicada en el mundo laboral.

"Ahora mismo estoy en la situación de que me mandan al paro con 60 años, que es lo que estoy viendo, como las noticias están como están, pues es que no tienes dónde agarrarte", declara Tomás, que también ha hecho llegar su historia a 20minutos a través de nuestra comunidad, Ciudadano20.. "La charcutería funciona ahora todo con paquetes, ya no se despacha a mano. Y sobra personal, pero qué casualidad que sobramos los antiguos, los que teníamos los sueldos más altos".

Los intentos por volver al mercado laboral han resultado hasta el momento infructuosos y Tomás ya ha empezado a hacer cálculos de cuánto podría verse penalizada su pensión si tiene que jubilarse cuando pierda el subsidio por desempleo.

"Todavía tienes iniciativa, tienes ganas, tienes, pero vas, llegas a un trabajo; no, no cubre el perfil; no, ya le llamaremos, eh, pero bueno, es que claro, no cubres el perfil, es que lo que quieren es un chaval de 25 años y que sepa de todo", declara Tomás. "De un 17% a un 30% me pueden quitar en la pensión. Por mucho que yo quiera hacerlo, no hay otra. Después de una vida trabajando. Eché tres años en una tienda, el servicio militar y 40 años ahí. Tú fíjate qué vida".

¿Quieres contarnos algo? Este es tu buzón

Si quieres contactar con 20minutos, realizar alguna denuncia o tienes alguna historia que quieres que contemos, escribe a través del formulario de Ciudadano20 o escribe un correo a ciudadano20@20minutos.es. También puedes suscribirte a las newsletters de 20minutos para recibir cada día las noticias más destacadas o la edición impresa.

The death of a person in France infected with the Shamonda virus (SHAV) has put European public health authorities on alert. “The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) is carefully monitoring the situation after the French authorities announced the first ever reported human infection with Shamonda virus (SHAV), a disease that has until now only affected animals,” the agency said in a statement.

Seguir leyendo

Conservar los alimentos en perfectas condiciones durante más tiempo es mucho más sencillo si contamos con una buena envasadora al vacío. Este práctico electrodoméstico se ha convertido en un gran aliado en la cocina, ya que permite prolongar la frescura de los productos, organizar mejor las comidas y transportar alimentos de forma cómoda y segura. Además, ayuda a reducir el desperdicio alimentario y a aprovechar al máximo cada compra.

Seguir leyendo...

Last March, the US justice system reopened a case regarding the alleged responsibility of former Cuban President Raúl Castro in the shooting down of small planes belonging to the organization Brothers to the Rescue in 1996.

Cuba has categorically rejected the US accusations. The Caribbean nation argues that the accusation is a distortion of the truth, given that Brothers to the Rescue is considered an organization linked to acts of terrorism and provocation against the country’s government.

According to Havana, the aircraft were conducting illegal flights over Cuban airspace. They were reportedly asked repeatedly to refrain from entering Cuban airspace, but these requests were ignored, according to the Cuban justice system. Furthermore, according to the Cuban Foreign Ministry, Havana asked Washington on 25 occasions to prevent these illegal flights. Subsequently, with no response from Washington or Brothers to the Rescue, Cuba proceeded to fire upon the aircraft flying over its territory.

However, the US justice system denies Cuba’s version of events and has sought a conviction for these acts. That is how, on October 19, Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier succeeded in having his state issue an arrest warrant for Raúl Castro, then Cuba’s Minister of Defense.

“Raúl Castro ordered the cold-blooded murder of four Florida residents, and the state will never stop pursuing accountability for that communist conspiracy,” Uthmeier said regarding the arrest warrant.

But the Cuban government maintains that Brothers to the Rescue had a different mission than the one it claimed. Cuban Deputy Gerardo Hernández stated: “Although [Brothers to the Rescue] was founded to spot and report the location of rafters to the US Coast Guard in the 1990s, its role shifted toward provocations following the change in immigration policies agreed upon between Washington and Havana in 1995, with the intention of hindering any diplomatic rapprochement and normalization of relations between the two countries.”

For his part, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel condemned the Florida court’s decision: “The reprehensible action taken against the Army General this morning in a pathetic Miami circus, with an electoral agenda, has no legal basis whatsoever – nor will it ever have one – much less a practical one… In the face of every affront, [Raúl Castro] will always find the determination of a people to defend the Revolution.”

He added: “That maneuver, cloaked in legal pretense and orchestrated by anti-Cuban politicians against Raúl and against Cuba, deserves our firm condemnation. It is part of their aggressive agenda and a response to their failures in attempting to justify the Embargo and the collective punishment against our people.”

For its part, the Mexican government characterized the arrest warrant issued against one of the historic leaders of the 1959 Cuban Revolution as an “electoral maneuver.” This was explained by President Claudia Sheinbaum, who linked the judicial decision to the upcoming midterm elections: “The arrest warrant against Army General Raúl Castro, attributed to the Florida prosecutor’s office, seeks to win the support of segments of the US electorate.”

Russia also condemned the arrest warrant against Raúl Castro, calling it “baseless and false,” and linked it to a powerful political group in Florida: “[It is] revenge by the anti-Cuban lobby in Miami,” said the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The decision is part of a series of measures by the Trump administration against the revolutionary government in Havana, which the US president himself has said he would like to see fall and has on some occasions suggested he might launch a military attack on Cuba.

Trump has imposed economic and trade sanctions that add to the historic economic and trade embargo the United States has imposed on the island for more than 60 years – an embargo that has caused losses amounting to tens of billions of dollars for a country with a population of just 10 million.

Added to this is the recent oil embargo imposed by the United States on the Caribbean island. As a result, throughout 2026, only one oil tanker entered Cuba, which has brought much of the country’s production, transportation, and electricity generation to a standstill. This has led to an increase in mortality rates and reduced access to basic services for the civilian population.

There is no proof that the face is a window to the soul, but a growing body of research suggests it may reveal important clues about a person’s health. Some studies have even indicated that looking younger than one’s actual age is associated with greater longevity. A new study published in The Lancet Digital Health follows this line of inquiry through a massive artificial intelligence analysis showing that facial photographs can contain signals linked both to age and to survival among cancer patients.

Seguir leyendo

The New York Times reported on Wednesday that the US government is preparing to send troops to Latin America under the pretext of combating drug trafficking in the region.

According to the US publication, 600 troops from the 10th Mountain Division at Fort Drum, NY, have already begun deploying to the jungles of Panama to conduct exercises alongside the local military.

In addition, it was reported that members of this detachment will participate in operations in other countries in the future: “The troops will eventually train with local forces in Colombia and Honduras, and could also support US Special Operations troops advising militaries conducting raids against accused drug traffickers, the officials said.”

The peoples of the region, alongside anti-imperialist and progressive forces, have long denounced decades of US military intervention in Latin America and the Caribbean. Various experts and analysts have shown that “war on drugs” projects have never led to the elimination of these illicit businesses. On the contrary, US military involvement has coincided with an increase in violence, drug production, but most importantly: neoliberal reforms. These reforms involve the dismantling and reduction of the state, the privatization of all possible dimensions of social life, and the destruction of social organizations that oppose neoliberalism.

Read more: What else is behind the “fight” against drug trafficking in Latin America?

Historically, this process of material dispossession has been facilitated by an expansion of US military presence, under the pretext of the “war on drugs.”

The report stated: “The deployments and growing headquarters, which have not been previously reported, along with the Pentagon’s recent movement of several MQ-9 Reaper drones from Africa to Colombia and Ecuador, mark the latest widening of the Defense Department’s fight against drug traffickers in the region.”

Shield of the Americas

For several months now, US forces have been participating in intelligence activities and supporting military operations in Ecuador, whose government has entered into agreements with the US to allegedly fight organized crime. However, it was later revealed that these operations didn’t target drug traffickers at all. In at least one instance, The New York Times reported that the US and Ecuador bombed a dairy farm.

This collaboration is part of the new military and geopolitical strategy led by the Trump administration, embodied in the agreement known as “Shield of the Americas.” In recent meetings, several governments have committed to working with the United States so that their militaries can carry out joint operations in Latin American countries.

Regarding the possible itinerary of the soldiers who are expected to arrive in Panama, The New York Times reported: “The soldiers will move first into Panama, where they will take part in jungle training exercises, officials said. From there they will head to Colombia, where they will participate in what officials have called Southern Vanguard, an exercise scheduled to begin later this month. Other rotations will move into Honduras for training with local partners. Some of the troops could be used to provide additional security for US helicopters in the region, which have been providing support for US Special Operations forces.”

For about a year now, the United States has been conducting airstrikes on small boats in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean that Washington claims are linked to drug trafficking. Over 200 people have been killed in the strikes and the majority of the victims appear to be fishermen from Venezuela, Colombia, Trinidad and Tobago, and other island nations. Victims’ families and survivors have vehemently denied any connection to criminal groups.

Washington claims the report is false

For its part, the US Embassy in Panama stated that The New York Times report regarding the deployment of several hundred US soldiers to the Caribbean nation is untrue: “The New York Times article alleging the deployment of 600 US soldiers to Panama is categorically false.”

The US Embassy reported that 120 US military personnel are currently participating in a training course in the Panamanian jungle, but that these troops will return to the United States on October 25 and therefore will not undertake the deployment announced by Colombia and Honduras. It did report that other US military personnel will participate in exercises in Peru.

“This is nothing new. The Jungle Operations Training Center has been operating for over a year as a school officially recognized by the US Army. US and Panamanian instructors jointly provide training in survival techniques and jungle operations,” the US Embassy in Panama said in its statement.

The controversy between The New York Times and US diplomatic officials over this report comes amid an evident increase in the US military presence in the region. In addition to operations in the Caribbean and the Pacific, there was the military incursion into Venezuela on January 3, 2026, which resulted in the capture of then-President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, as well as the deaths of more than 100 people in Venezuela. Furthermore, President Trump himself has suggested that he could attack Cuba and any other country if US security is compromised.

El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele announced on October 13 his intention to release nearly 50% of the prisoners accused of collaborating with gangs in the country. According to the president, the measure would involve early release, albeit conditional.

“We have a plan that would benefit roughly 50% (give or take) of the prisoners in El Salvador who have collaborated with gangs … In other words, early release – meaning they are guilty but are released conditionally. Released under supervision,” Bukele told the press.

In this regard, he said that his government would evaluate the situation of each detainee to keep the country free from the structural violence that has plagued it for decades: “Considering that we come from a country where violence was part of everyday life and gangs were the real government, the real dictatorship. These people lived under that yoke, but it is not the same to be among those who enforced it as it is to simply survive that reality.”

If we take into account the figure provided by the authorities (according to which nearly 100,000 people are currently detained on various charges) this could mean the release of tens of thousands of people.

Domestic criticism of El Salvador’s mass incarceration

Before Bukele took office, El Salvador was in the throes of a severe crisis of insecurity and violence. His administration imposed a perpetual state of emergency that began in 2022 and has led to the imprisonment of thousands of Salvadorans accused of belonging to gangs (or “maras”) that controlled large swaths of the Central American country.

And while the pacification of the streets has been celebrated by a significant portion of the population, the harsh actions of the government and its police and military forces have drawn criticism from various human rights organizations, which have accused the government of excessive use of force, mistreatment of prisoners, and the unjust detention of individuals who do not belong to gangs.

Read more: CECOT: Bukele’s mega prison where “the only way out is in a coffin”

Another criticism has been leveled at the practice of mass trials, which charge and convict a large number of people at the same time. Rights groups say this has led to countless errors in the treatment of individual defendants. Added to this are allegations of arbitrary detentions, crimes against humanity, and disappearances.

International outrage at 252 Venezuelans detained in El Salvador

The prison system implemented by Bukele in El Salvador has also faced international criticism. The Central American country became a focal point of controversy when hundreds of people deported from the United States were detained in the Salvadoran prison system, which drew widespread criticism of the Bukele government.

Bukele, however, had defended the decision and reaffirmed his alliance with the Donald Trump administration and his participation in the Washington-led geopolitical and military initiative known as Shield of the Americas.

Read more: Maduro gov’t negotiates return of 252 Venezuelans detained by US in El Salvador

The news of the possible release of tens of thousands of detainees sparked even more intrigue, considering that Bukele’s announcement came immediately after his conversation with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in which they discussed combating “malign foreign influence.” However, it remains unclear how the two issues are linked, according to El País.

International health authorities are on alert over a possible case of plague that may not even exist. The death of a laboratory worker at a plague research facility in Russia’s Irkutsk region on October 2 sparked concerns, and the World Health Organization (WHO) on Wednesday offered technical assistance to the Russian government while requesting additional information needed to assess any potential risk.

Seguir leyendo

This content is for members only. Visit the site and log in/register to read.

On October 4, over 150 million Brazilians were called to the polls to elect their president, deputies, and governors, and to replace the majority of senators. The elections, for many, brought a major surprise. Although polls indicated a lead for the incumbent president, progressive Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, far-right Senator Flávio Bolsonaro clinched first place. Flávio is the son of former President Jair Bolsonaro who is currently serving a 27-year sentence for his involvement in an attempted coup against Lula in 2022.

According to the final tally, Bolsonaro received 47.03% of the vote (56 million votes) while Lula received 45.16%, nearly 54 million votes. Thus, Bolsonaro’s lead amounts to just over 2 million votes. In third place is Augusto Cury, with 2.89%. He is followed by Renan Santos and Ronaldo Caiado, with 2.24% and 2.18%, respectively. The remaining candidates received less than 0.3%.

A look at how the different regions of the country voted, a clear political divide between the north and the south of the country becomes apparent. The north (including states such as Amazonas, Pará, Amapá, Maranhão, Piauí, Bahia, Sergipe, Alagoas, Pernambuco, Paraíba, and Rio Grande do Norte) supported the continued presence of the state and the welfare policies proposed by Lula.

For its part, including the northern state of Roraima, the south of the country clearly backed Bolsonaro’s neoliberal and pro-Trump agenda: Acre, Rondônia, Mato Grosso, Tocantins, Goiás, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Paraná, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul voted for Bolsonaro.

On his X account, the far-right senator from the Liberal Party (PL) said: “Together, we’re going to build a new Brazil. A Brazil of prosperity! Tomorrow, you’ll stand before the ballot box and choose the future of our country, the future of our children, of this generation and the next. Change is in your hands. Brazil is going to win!”

For his part, the president and candidate of the Workers’ Party (PT) said: “The result is often unexpected. You never get everything you want.” Yet, Lula, who has fought dozens of political battles, said: “[The runoff] is the time to show the true picture of Brazil today and of the Brazil we want.”

To secure victory, Bolsonaro hopes to win over the votes of the candidates who finished behind the finalists – the majority of whom undoubtedly hold right-wing ideologies. Lula, however, can still turn the situation around if he manages to form the right alliances and win over voters who cast invalid ballots (about 3%), as well as those who abstained, who account for 21.08% of the total electorate.

Senate, house of representatives, and governors

And while Lula has expressed optimism about the possibility of turning the tide in the presidential runoff to be held on October 25, the political reality in Brazil has changed. Bolsonaro’s PL party has managed to double its number of senators: it won 19 of the 54 seats up for election out of a total of 81 senators. Among them, immediate family members of the former president, such as Michelle Bolsonaro and Carlos Bolsonaro, won seats. In total, the PL will hold more than a third of the Senate, while Lula’s PT will hold 9.

This institution is particularly important because it approves or rejects the judges of the Federal Supreme Court (the country’s highest court) who are nominated by the president. This gives Bolsonaro significant ideological leverage, as he claims his father is being held in custody due to a conspiracy between political powers and a biased judicial system.

In the elections for the Chamber of Deputies, which has 513 seats, the Bolsonaro camp also secured a significant victory. With 100% of the votes counted, the PL won 121 seats, while the Brazil of Hope Federation coalition (which includes Lula’s PT, the Green Party, and the Communist Party) won 88 seats.

However, due to the method of seat allocation, Brazil favors a Chamber of Deputies with representation from many political forces. This is how the Progressive Union secured 87 seats, the Social Democratic Party 43, the Republicans 41, the Brazilian Democratic Movement 36, Podemos 27, the PSOL 15, as well as the Brazilian Socialist Party, among others.

Thus, while the right has the numbers to secure a numerical advantage in the Chamber of Deputies, it will have to contend with deep-seated and historic internal contradictions that could complicate a potential Bolsonaro presidency. Similarly, if Lula manages to prevail in the runoff, he will face a highly complex Senate and Chamber of Deputies that could potentially oppose him.

In the gubernatorial elections, the PL is also the biggest winner. Of 27 states, the Liberal Party has won six so far, while the PT, the Social Democratic Party, the PP, and the Republicans have each won three. Other states will have to elect their governors in a runoff election.

The most talked-about result is the decisive victory in São Paulo by Tarcísio de Freitas, Jair Bolsonaro’s former Minister of Infrastructure, who defeated Fernando Haddad, Lula’s right-hand man. São Paulo is Brazil’s most populous state (46 million people) and home to the South American country’s most powerful economic hubs.

A political future in doubt

It has been repeatedly emphasized that, due to its economic and geopolitical importance, the elections in Brazil are of enormous significance for the future of Latin America. It is no coincidence that former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (who promoted a series of dictatorships in the region) said: “Whichever way Brazil leans, Latin America will lean that way.”

The South American far right, which has enjoyed unprecedented electoral success in recent years, knows that without Brazil, its poker hand will always be incomplete. Uruguay indeed remains the only country in the region that does not share the views of Milei in Argentina, Kast in Chile, or De la Espriella in Colombia, but Brazil alone accounts for more than 50% of the region’s total GDP.

Similarly, the left and the center know that a potential victory for Lula would be one of the last battles to be fought against the formidable advance of a right wing aligned with the foreign policies of Trump and Israel, with the most orthodox neoliberalism, and with the economic interests of capital magnates, including the big tech companies. And if Lula manages to recover from this defeat, it would mark a major shift in course for the legendary union leader – not only for Brazil but for the entire region.

As Lula said, “now a different kind of campaign begins.” Both candidates will pull out all the stops to win control of South America’s most populous and powerful country. It certainly won’t be a “clean” campaign, but if one pays attention to the finalists’ statements, every means at their disposal will be used to achieve the coveted goal.

US influence on the elections

Political analysts have expressed concerns about alleged foreign interference in the elections. In July 2025, Trump had imposed 50% tariffs on Brazil over what he considered an unfair ruling against Jair Bolsonaro – whom the US president calls “his friend”.

In August 2026, the United States revoked the visa of Brazil’s ambassador to Washington, a move denounced by Brasília as a violation of international law. 

Just last week, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio ordered the closure of the US embassy in Brazil during the elections due to alleged “threats,” a move viewed by some political commentators as a tactic to create tension during the elections.

During the first round of the presidential campaign, Trump did not make any direct statements of support for Flávio Bolsonaro. However, once the results were known, the US president told the press: “It’s a great victory – a close one, but a very, very great, incredible victory.”

In this regard, it remains to be seen whether Trump will make some kind of direct statement in support of Bolsonaro’s candidacy – as he has done in past elections in Colombia, Argentina, Honduras, and elsewhere – in favor of far-right candidates who support his agenda. Or, even more importantly, whether he will make any kind of promise to the Brazilian people if Bolsonaro wins – or, worse yet, threaten them if they vote for Lula.