A long-running institutional struggle over who controls European Union foreign policy has broken into the open, with EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas publicly acknowledging that the role of the High Representative has not worked as intended when decisions are effectively taken above her inside the European Commission, writes Catherine Feore.
Speaking after an informal meeting of EU foreign ministers, Kallas delivered an unusually candid assessment of the relationship between the European External Action Service (EEAS), the European Commission and the member states.
At the centre of the dispute is a fundamental question: whether the EU's foreign policy is ultimately directed through the High Representative, who is supposed to bridge the Commission and national governments, or through Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.
Kallas argued that the problem does not lie primarily in the EU treaties or the institutional architecture they created. Instead, she said, it lies in how that architecture has been implemented in practice.
"The problem is not the treaties, not the institutional setup. The problem is the implementation of that setup that it would work in practice, and there was a broad support by the member states to make it work. But of course, it doesn't entirely depend on the member states," Kallas said.
The final sentence was significant. Kallas' comments point towards criticism of von der Leyen.
Under the EU's institutional structure, Kallas holds two positions simultaneously: High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission. The dual role was designed precisely to connect foreign-policy decisions made by the member states with the powerful economic and regulatory instruments controlled by the Commission.
Those instruments include trade, development assistance, enlargement, migration and visa policy. Kallas argued that Europe cannot operate effectively as a geopolitical actor unless it brings those tools together with the foreign policy agreed by national governments.
"If we want to act as a geopolitical player, we should really put these things together," she said, arguing that this was precisely why the treaties created the vice-presidential component of the High Representative's job.
A role that works "on paper"
Asked about proposals to shift parts of the EEAS, its staff or competences towards the Commission, she described a system in which her coordinating authority exists more clearly in theory than in practice.
"The high representative/vice president is the link between the member states and the Commission, on paper, in theory,” she added pointedly that “we have had issues where there is somebody above me that is actually deciding; then you know it doesn't work that way. Let's be very frank.”
The reference to "somebody above me" was the sharpest indication of the institutional problem Kallas was describing. Within the Commission hierarchy, the person “above” Kallas is Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.
Commission versus EEAS
The question arose because foreign affairs ministers were discussing the future of the EEAS and how Europe's external-policy machinery should be organised.
According to Kallas, governments broadly supported retaining the existing institutional structure rather than rewriting it. But they also want that structure to operate as originally intended.
She warned in particular against duplication between the EEAS and the Commission. If a function is already being performed effectively by the diplomatic service, she argued, there is little justification for recreating the same capacity inside the Commission.
The discussion also touched on proposals to concentrate more external-action functions inside the Commission. Kallas said such a transfer could not be separated from the High Representative's authority.
If external-action services are concentrated in the Commission, she argued, the other side of the bargain must be that the High Representative genuinely oversees those services. "One side of the equation cannot happen without the other," she said.
Kallas said a majority of governments supported maintaining the current institutional setup and opposed concentrating everything in the Commission without the High Representative's coordinating role being implemented in practice.
“This was an attack using military-grade material, carried out by Russian operatives on European Union soil. We will not tolerate it,” von der Leyen said alongside NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte in Brussels.
The German government said on Tuesday (1 September) that its investigation and intelligence findings established Russian responsibility for the attempted attack at Leipzig/Halle Airport last month. Russia has denied responsibility.
The meeting took place as foreign ministers and the EU's High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy were meeting to discuss Russia and Ukraine among other issues.
“Had this attack succeeded, this would have resulted in enormous damage and possibly even loss of life,” von der Leyen said. “We stand in full solidarity with Germany.”
“If the intention was to make us think twice about supporting Ukraine, I can tell you it has only strengthened my resolve. Intimidation will not work.”
Von der Leyen said the Leipzig incident was part of a wider pattern of Russian activity confronting Europe, including airspace incursions, drones disrupting airports and interference with critical infrastructure.
“Leipzig marks a new escalation on European Union soil, directly attributed to Russia,” she said.
Von der Leyen outlined three areas for a stepped-up European response: stronger protection of European infrastructure backed by additional sanctions on Russia, increased air-defence support for Ukraine, and an acceleration of Europe’s own defence build-up in close cooperation with NATO.
Infrastructure and sanctions
First, von der Leyen said Europe must strengthen the protection of infrastructure that could be targeted by Russian hybrid operations and be prepared to respond more quickly when attacks occur.
“We must treat our everyday infrastructure as frontline targets, and protect them accordingly,” she said.
The EU already has rapid response teams that can assist member states faced with such attacks, she said, arguing that Europe’s ability to prepare and respond would itself act as a deterrent.
Von der Leyen also said the EU was ready to intensify economic pressure on Moscow through sanctions. “Our sanctions have weakened Russia’s economy. We can use more sanctions and have them ready to impose as soon as such dangerous, life-threatening acts are attributed,” she said. “Every loophole Russia exploits is one we must close.”
European foreign ministers were discussing new listings in Ireland on Wednesday, she said, while the Commission was examining further ways to “cut deeper into Russia’s war chest”.
More air defence for Ukraine
Von der Leyen said her second priority was strengthening support for Ukraine, announcing that the EU had received a new request worth several billion euros for air-defence capabilities.
“Today, I can confirm that we have received a new payment request,” she said. “It is worth several billion euro, and would cover Ukraine’s air defenses, including the highly advanced PAC-3 Patriot air defense systems.”
Member states were considering the request, she said.
“I can say that it’s going in the right direction.”
Von der Leyen also pointed to European work with Ukraine on the FRIO project to develop anti-ballistic missile defences, as well as the EU’s €90 billion support loan.
“Since June, we have issued €8.5 billion for drones and missiles for Ukraine from this loan,” she said, adding that the funding could also be used to buy fighter aircraft from European industry.
Faster European defence build-up
Von der Leyen’s third priority was to accelerate Europe’s defence build-up alongside NATO, with air defence at the centre of the effort.
“Air defenses are critical,” she said. “We need a faster, more integrated alert system across Europe, and then we must intercept the threats faster.”
She pointed to the EU’s €800 billion defence investment plan, including €150 billion through the SAFE instrument, as a way for European countries to increase defence investment jointly.
“We are in a new era of European security,” von der Leyen said. “European investment in defense strengthens NATO and re-energizes our industrial base.”
Rutte backed von der Leyen’s assessment of the threat, saying Russia had become “increasingly reckless” as its war against Ukraine continued.
“We have seen more drones and missiles crossing into our airspace along our eastern flank, creating increased risk,” Rutte said.
“And we have also seen an increase in malign activities targeting our territory directly, whether it is fires set in factories producing defense equipment for Ukraine, or indeed the Russian hybrid attack in Leipzig.”
“The examples are many. The dangers Russia poses are clear,” he added.
Rutte said NATO was working “around the clock” to ensure it could protect its population and said Moscow would fail if it hoped attacks such as Leipzig would undermine Western backing for Kyiv.
“If Russia thinks we will be divided by the threat, or if they think we will be deterred from supporting Ukraine, they are mistaken,” he said. “Our unity is unshaken. Our support to Ukraine is clear.”
Rutte said NATO allies had agreed to provide at least €70 billion to support Ukraine this year and the same amount next year, with the EU loan forming a “crucial element” of that support.
The NATO chief also backed the push for additional air defence and increased defence production, saying higher spending had to translate into additional military capabilities and greater industrial capacity.
Von der Leyen said the EU and NATO would not be intimidated into reducing their support for Ukraine. “Europe and NATO will not just maintain our pressure on Russia; we will increase it,” she said. “We will not stop — not until Russia stops bombing and killing innocent children, men and women in Ukraine. We will continue, we will prevail, and we will deter anyone who attacks our freedom and our security.”
Amid the diplomatic escalation between Russia and Germany over a drone incident at Leipzig airport, blamed by Berlin on Moscow without providing the slightest evidence but sufficient to close Russian consulates (read here),Italy too finds itself increasingly exposed to reprisals threatened by Russian President Vladimir Putin for the wild speculation of the “weapons demon” Guido Crosetto, Minister of Defense.
The Fedorov first Shady Mission for Italy with Palantir AI
Mykhailo Fedorov lasted just six months as Ukraine’s defense minister before Zelensky fired him amid bitter clashes with the military leadership.
«Now he is turning the same wartime machinery into a private defense-tech business — withPalantir CEO Alex Karp as his first major investor»News-Pravda has reported in the lates days publishing a photo of the meeting.
Mykhailo Fedorov and Karp
American AI industry Palantir, one of the main AI partner of Israel Defense Forces and Benjamin Netanyahu Zionist regime, was denounced for complicity in war crimes in Palestine… (read below)
“You and your colleagues are launching a company that I think will be defining for the world, bringing your knowledge and acumen about the art of war as a product to allied countries,” Karp told Fedorov. That “product” was developed on Ukraine’s battlefield.
On September 1, 2026, Mykhailo Fedorov—Ukraine’s Minister of Defense until last July—announced the launch of a military technology company in which Karp himself will be the first investor.
The company aims to translate Ukraine’s wartime experience into products for Kyiv and its allies, including combat robotics, interceptor drones, and low-cost, AI-guided missiles. Plans also include an investment fund and a think tank, though the company’s name and financial figures have not yet been disclosed.
Fedorov has become an adviser to Italian Defense Minister Guido Crosetto.
“I met with Italian Defense Minister Guido Crosetto. I thanked Guido for his personal support and his offer for me to become his adviser on defense innovation. I am grateful for the trust and strategic partnership. In this role, I will help Italy develop modern warfare technologies and improve its defense sector,” Fedorov wrote on Telegram.
CLICK TO READ MORE IN ENGLISH WITH MACHINE TRANSLATION AVAILABLE
Palantir is already embedded across Ukrainian government agencies, while its infrastructure underpins the Brave1 Dataroom, where companies train military AI on real combat data. Karp says he and Fedorov have worked together for “half a decade.”
But Fedorov’s meeting with Karp appears to have been launched under the banner of Italy’s war mission against Russia.
The Leonardo Ukraine to Work with Ukrainian Defense Industry and Palantir
Leonardo SpA, the Italian industrial group operating in the defense, security, and aerospace sectors, is majority owned by the Italian government with a 30.2% stake, but without parliament approval has opened a new subsidiary, Leonardo Ukraine, directly in Kiev, aiming to collaborate with the Ukrainian defense industry, particularly in drones and other military technologies.
We recall that minister Crosetto, founder of Brother of Italy far-right party, was blamed by many newspaper for conflict of interests due to, before to entry in Meloni Government, he was the AIAD president which represented th Italian Industries Association for Aerospace, Defence and Security, but above all because he was a overpayed advisor of Leonardo spa, main partner of Rheimetall which opened some factories in Ukraine.
Leonardo Ukraine, registered in the commercial register since May 20, is not only aiming to establish relations with the Ukrainian Brave1, or to test the new “Michelangelo Dome”, the multi-layered and multi-domain missile air defense system which is estimated to have 21 billion euros of potential commercial opportunities over the next 10 years.
Leonardo thus intends to build increasingly strong relationships with the Ukrainian state hub Brave1 Dataroom, created with the country’s Ministry of Defense, its intelligence agency and the US company Palantir.
EXCLUSIVE VIDEO – The Brave1 Litvar Super Drone during an Ukrainian Test
Brave1 is a Ukraninian government initiative aimed at developing defence technologies, implemented by the Innovation Development Fund and initiated by relevant state authorities and components of Ukraine’s security and defence sector. Initially, it was a grant program for defence startups. We have already become the largest angel investor in Ukrainian defence tech, having issued over 750 grants amounting to 3.7 billion UAH, around $82,000.
In this exclusive video shared on YouTube by UATV Espanol lift the veil of secrecy for the first time on the latest development in the Ukrainian defense industry: the unique “Litavr” interceptor drone from F-Drones, created specifically for the cost-effective and efficient hunting of enemy kamikaze drones like the “Shahed.”
Thanks to the BRAVE1 defense cluster, Kiev army gained unprecedented access to this fully encrypted technology,capable of speeds up to 350 km/h, operating at altitudes up to 9,000 meters, and automatically locking onto targets using the Pixel Lock (Last Mile)
Palantir removed by European countries and Denounced for Complicity in War Crimes and Genocides
Palantir is the industry, removed after various investigations from many European countries.
«The Spanish government is ordering state-backed companies to cut their ties with US defense contractor Palantir, Spain’s El Confidencial newspaper has reported. The move follows similar bans in France and Germany»RT has reported some weeks ago.
But above all Palantir was one of the AI company denounced for war crimes and genocide in Gaza inside the UN Dossier by Francesca Albanese, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territory occupied.
The same American company has also been heavily criticized in the USA for its collaboration with ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) officers accused of murdering illegal immigrants and even making unjustified arrests of children.
VIDEO – French-Italian “Mambas” won’t change Ukraine battlefield situation
Excerpts by Ahmed Adel originally published on VT UnCensored Foreign Policy
All links to Gospa News articles or video have been added in the aftermath
Italian media report plans to sell four batteries of the newest SAMP/T NG system, also known as “Mamba,” to Ukraine, claiming its performance rivals or even surpasses that of the American Patriot system in some respects. However, these new missile and air defense system deliveries to Ukraine are unlikely to significantly impact the battlefield. Rather, they are primarily aimed at enabling Western countries and their military industries to profit.
La Repubblica reports that Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and French President Emmanuel Macron agreed in July to procure four new SAMP/T NG batteries capable of intercepting ballistic missiles. The system, produced by the Franco-Italian consortium Eurosam, is the next generation of European air and missile defense.
SAMP/T NG is a significantly improved version of the SAMP/T system already in use in Ukraine. Compared with the previous version, SAMP/T NG offers greater range and engagement altitude, as well as improved performance against ballistic targets. The maximum range of the SAMP/T system with the Aster 30 missile is up to 100 kilometers, while the newer SAMP/T NG version has a range of about 150 kilometers.
According to La Repubblica, Ukraine already has two SAMP/T batteries delivered by Italy and France, but since the summer of 2025 it has faced a shortage of Aster 30 missiles due to reduced European stocks. Missile production has since been accelerated, enabling Rome and Paris to continue deliveries.
Yet, despite the acceleration, Ukrainian air defenses remain in poor condition. Although Ukraine still has Patriot systems, it is short on missiles, as they have already been depleted. Italy plans to transfer Aster 30 missiles from its military stocks to Ukraine by October, while France would temporarily provide two additional SAMP/T batteries from its arsenal, to be replaced later with new systems.
According to La Repubblica, the entire operation, including newly produced systems, is expected to be completed by 2027. The operation will cost three billion euros and will be structured as a purchase financed by a loan from the European Credit Fund for Ukraine.
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