We have come to expect sanctimony mixed with hypocrisy from Barack Obama. But his latest endeavor turns out to be a doozy.

Preaching his usual moral superiority, the former president recently took to social media to inveigh against the current president for targeting Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota with a criminal investigation. He called it "appalling."

Obama should have sat this one out at his luxurious spread on Martha’s Vineyard.

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Lo and behold, he did the same thing when he was president. And Omar was the target. But, of course, the probe was kept under wraps. Until now.

Reporting by The New York Times reveals that Obama’s Department of Homeland Security and the FBI did a deep dive in the summer of 2016 into whether Omar entered into a sham marriage with her alleged brother, Ahmed Nur Said Elmi, to enable him to secure a green card.

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Brace yourself for the result. That investigation "found some evidence that it was fraudulent," according to the Times.

Accusations of marriage fraud have long dogged Omar, who has consistently dismissed them as politically driven and a right-wing conspiracy. So much for that argument.

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The latest investigation that culminated in a judicially ordered search of Omar’s home on October 12, 2026, reportedly encompasses not only the suspect marriage but troubling questions over whether she ran afoul of the law by using a fake name and false birth date to obtain citizenship. A separate investigation is examining her financial transactions.

The Obama-era inquiry did not end because of insufficient evidence. Instead, the Times divulges that it was shelved "because prosecutors concluded that the potential crime, a felony, fell outside a five-year statute of limitations." The newspaper’s story relied on statements by current and former officials with knowledge of the first case.

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That decision to mothball any legal action against Omar makes little sense, unless one factors in political favoritism by Obama and his prosecutorial cohorts.

It is true that marriage fraud is a federal felony governed by a five-year statute of limitations under 8 U.S.C. § 1325(c). However, the clock runs from the last overt act of fraud or submission of false documents, not the date of the wedding ceremony itself in 2009.

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Taking steps to later obtain a green card would qualify as an overt act, as would document fraud (18 U.S.C. § 1546). So, too, would any act to cover up a sham marriage or efforts to conceal it. Indeed, it would constitute additional crimes such as conspiracy (18 U.S.C. § 371) and obstruction of justice or obstruction of proceedings (18 U.S.C. §§ 1505 and 1512).

Elmi abandoned his quest for a green card and left the U.S. for London sometime in 2011 when disturbing questions reportedly arose over his application. His actions and any misrepresentations associated with Omar might have brought the case within the permissible statute of limitations.

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But never mind all of that.

Obama’s DHS and DOJ could have pursued a simpler approach under civil (not criminal) immigration fraud. Orchestrating a scheme to illegally obtain U.S. immigration status or benefits carries severe legal consequences. There is no statute of limitations.

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If the Obama administration had chosen this logical course, it could have led to Omar’s denaturalization and subsequent deportation. The standard of proof is "clear and convincing evidence," much lower than in criminal prosecutions.

It is unclear, but curious, why this legal road was never taken. We only know that authorities under Obama shuttered the case and buried the investigation. Preferential treatment? Political cronyism? It has the unmistakable stench.

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This makes Obama’s social media screed against President Trump even more outlandish. Trump is doing what Obama did, except that Trump’s administration has expanded the Omar inquiry into areas where the former president’s prosecutors refused to go.

They should have gone there.

Obama’s harangue on X accused Trump of selectively targeting Omar without ever disclosing that his own administration investigated her first. That was dishonesty by omission. A mere oversight? Doubtful.

Obama also pronounced as true certain facts about Omar’s age that may not be true at all. He declared with absolute confidence that she was 17 years old when she applied as a minor for derivative citizenship based on her father’s citizenship.

But her age and birth date are still very much in dispute. Her autobiography and other documents undermine Obama’s claim, indicating that Omar may have been an adult of 18 years and legally ineligible for the type of citizenship that she procured. If she or her father made false statements or committed fraud, it would nullify her citizenship and could lead to removal from the U.S.

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This is not an "unsubstantiated theory," as Obama asserts in his social media post.

The former president accuses Trump of "intimidation" and laments that he is deploying "the full weight of the federal government" to bring down "a law-abiding elected official because she has dared to criticize the president." Spare us the duplicitous pearl-clutching.

Obama expressed no moral outrage when his successor, Joe Biden, targeted his political opponent with criminal indictments. Going back further to his own presidency, Obama’s dirty fingerprints were all over the initial stages of the government’s damaging investigation of Trump in the phony collusion scandal.

Obama seems to think that Americans are simpletons with anterograde amnesia. It resembles contempt.

The New York Times report exposes Obama’s glaring double standard for what it is — a transparently insincere attack based on shallow evidence. This comes as no surprise.

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Obama always seems confident in his righteousness in an irritatingly pious way. Ever the charlatan, he pretends to be holier-than-thou. Sometimes the truth catches up with him.

But don’t expect Obama to change now that his hypocrisy has been revealed. That would require earnest introspection.

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The California Post endorses Steve Hilton for governor.

Hilton has run an impressive and bold campaign.

The Republican has introduced new ideas that even some Democrats have embraced, like allowing Californians to pay no taxes on income up to $150,000.

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He has also urged California to lower fuel prices by getting rid of high gas taxes and the costly "green energy" policies that add massive costs to household budgets without doing anything for the planet.

On housing, Hilton has urged California to build out, not up, returning to the single-family homes that people want — not ugly high-rises.

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And Hilton has stood up to the madness on the transgender issue, defending the rights of girls in sports and the rights of parents to know what is going on with their children.

Despite the odds stacked against him, Hilton has worked tirelessly across the state, even going to Skid Row and "fentanyl alley" to show the consequences of decades of bad policy in Sacramento.

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His opponent, Democrat Xavier Becerra, was nobody’s first choice in the primary. Even former Obama administration staffers were appalled that he might move ahead to the general election.

Close Obama advisor Susan Rice once called Becerra an idiot, a remark she did not deny even when backing her party’s nominee.

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Becerra is simply an empty suit. He has failed upwards his entire political career.

Becerra was a do-nothing congressman in Washington. Then he became California’s attorney general when Kamala Harris left, despite his dormant law license. He was invisible as Joe Biden’s HHS secretary, and has no real achievements to speak of, despite decades of involvement in politics.

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The stakes could not be higher. The California dream is falling apart.

Yes, we still have the fourth-biggest economy in the world. But we also lead the nation in poverty and homelessness.

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Businesses that started here are leaving the state, taking jobs with them. That’s especially true in Hollywood, which is losing tens of thousands of jobs.

For 16 years, Democrats have done whatever they wanted to in California, and the results are a disaster.

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We have watched the California dream being trampled by the politics of extremism, envy and division. Our big cities have been trashed by rioters. And now socialists want to take over.

While our politicians lecture us about climate change, they allow hundreds of thousands of acres to burn in wildfires every year, erasing all the gains in emissions, and causing untold misery to tens of thousands of homeowners.

Fraud is rampant throughout our government programs, even as spending is out of control.

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Our infrastructure is crumbling, our schools are failing and nobody in Sacramento seems to want to do anything about it.

We are seeing the results of nearly two decades of one-party misrule. And the Democrats have given us a candidate who promises to change nothing.

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As Becerra said during the recent debate: the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over again and expecting a different result.

This year, California voters have a real choice.

In 2020, Atlanta police investigated 157 homicides, up from 99 the year before. That was the most the city had seen in more than two decades, according to The Atlanta Journal-Constitution. The next year was worse. Shootings climbed right along with the killings. Even CNN couldn't ignore it. It reported that by early July 2020, Atlanta had logged 282 shooting incidents, up 19% from the same point a year earlier, citing Atlanta police data. By June 2021, the number of people shot in the city was up another 38%.

More than 200 officers left the Atlanta Police Department in 2020 alone. Then-Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms did not have the backs of the Atlanta police, nor did she have the backs of Atlanta's most vulnerable citizens who depended on her for their safety. Her tenure as mayor left the city reeling as crime exploded and hundreds were killed. That is a serious dereliction of duty.

And as the bodies piled up, what did Bottoms offer? She pointed to the pandemic. She pointed to gun laws. In a national television interview, she pointed at Republican Gov. Brian Kemp for reopening Georgia's bars and nightclubs. Meanwhile, residents of Buckhead were so fed up that they launched a movement to break away from the city altogether.

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With that list of failures, she wants to convince Georgians she's the right candidate to be governor. Folks, that's a terrible idea, and it would be laughable if it weren't for the fact that, on her watch, hundreds ended up in the cemetery. Georgia cannot afford to risk this. Atlanta's families found out the hard way what kind of mayor they had.

Bottoms spent part of her early childhood traveling the world as the daughter of a famous R&B singer. Republican nominee for governor Rick Jackson spent his in Atlanta's Techwood Homes, America's first public housing project, where his family relied on welfare. He didn't learn about struggling neighborhoods from the newspapers. He lived it. He never met his father, and his mother was a waitress with a sixth-grade education. At 13, he entered foster care, moving through five foster homes and 13 schools before the right foster family came into his life and showed him what love and stability looked like.

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From there, he built Jackson Healthcare from the ground up into one of the largest healthcare staffing firms in the country, a company that now reports more than $3 billion in annual revenue. A man who once depended on public assistance, lived in the projects and went through multiple foster homes can speak to the issues that affect everyday Georgians from lived experience. That sets him apart in a way Bottoms can't match.

Jackson's public safety plan reads like it was written by someone who has listened to cops and crime victims. I hear from those families constantly through the Caldwell Institute for Public Safety, which I founded after my innocent brother Christian was murdered in Chicago.

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What they ask for is simple: evidence that gets processed, offenders who stay off the street and leaders who take trafficking seriously. Jackson's plan answers all three. He has pledged to invest in additional certified crime labs so evidence stops sitting on shelves while victims wait and dangerous offenders stay on the street. His plan calls for a statewide law enforcement division with one mission: ending child sex trafficking in Georgia. He has promised tax relief for law enforcement officers and veterans.

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Georgia has a clear choice on Nov. 3. One candidate has already been tested by a crime crisis and answered with failure after failure. The other has spent a lifetime proving that where you start doesn't determine where you finish, and he has a plan to make every Georgia neighborhood safer.

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Georgia doesn't need a governor who wants the title. It needs one who is willing to put in the work. That's Rick Jackson.

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Editor's note: This op-ed is part of a series by Eli Steele exploring White guilt in America and the West. Steele is the director of the newly released documentary essay, "White Guilt." See the film at WhiteGuiltFilm.com.

When I was a student at Claremont McKenna College in the 1990s, Morris Dees, the co-founder of the Southern Poverty Law Center, came to speak. Over the years, I have forgotten what he spoke about, but what I do remember is seeing his gun when he adjusted his sports coat. It was the kind of gun that Clint Eastwood carried in "Dirty Harry," only Dees's was burnished silver, with the deep grooves of a six-shooter. Before the speech, he was billed as the man who took on the Ku Klux Klan, and the gun made the legend real. But to those of us in that room, the gun said something more. It told us that racism was alive and thriving, and that Dees needed that gun as a hedge against an evil that might attack at any moment.

Now we have learned that the legend Dees and the SPLC crafted and protected over the years has cost certain Americans their bank accounts.

In August 2024, the SPLC published an article that dismissed complaints from several Christian groups about debanking. The SPLC writer, R.G. Cravens, struck an accusatory tone against the Christian legal group Alliance Defending Freedom and said it "perpetuated a false conspiracy theory that claims big government and big corporations are victimizing conservative Christians."

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On Oct. 14, the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency released a 47-page report on debanking at the nine largest banks it supervises. Regulators reviewed nearly 100,000 complaints and approximately 420,000 pages of bank records. The report found that four of those banks, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, PNC and TD Bank, referenced the SPLC while closing accounts or denying loans to conservative and religious customers.

The report's details are far more damning than the summary. WePay, a subsidiary of JPMorgan, screened customers against a list of terms that included "MAGA," "America First" and the names of SPLC-designated "hate groups." In July 2021, WePay closed an account that was raising money for a "devout Christian's" legal challenge to anti-discrimination laws.

In another case, PNC refused a line of credit to a media company because one owner's foundation "has funded several Christian conservative groups, including several identified as hate groups by the Southern Poverty Law Center." A PNC employee explained, "I think it becomes really difficult to justify aligning ourselves with a company whose owners have built very public personas around opinions very contrary to PNC's beliefs/values."

What struck me was that none of these banks checked whether what the SPLC alleged was true. The regulators found that "mere allegations, negative press or negative reviews contributed to some banks declining to serve average Americans, even in the absence of any validation of the underlying facts or concerns."

It is hard to be shocked these days, but we must recover that ability. Why would a bank let an advocacy group decide who gets an account, without verification of any sort?

It wasn't long before I found the answer in the report: "Fear of being on the wrong side of public opinion led at least one bank to distance itself from certain customer affiliations that could possibly be viewed as partisan." The banks had labeled them a "reputation risk."

My father, Shelby Steele, has a better name for it: White guilt. He has spent forty years on this question. To paraphrase him, White guilt is the eternal drive by many Whites, especially those on the left, to prove their innocence of racism, to show over and over that they are not complicit in America's historical racial sins.

It is this drive that gives White guilt its transactional nature. In order to be able to buy innocence, someone has to have the innocence to sell. And to sell innocence, you need to possess moral authority when it comes to racial matters. The SPLC earned this moral authority in the deep south when it helped integrate the Alabama state troopers and sued the Klan after violent attacks.

But the White guilt machine needs a never-ending supply of hate. If racism begins to fade, then what innocence is there to sell?

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And the Klan ranks had been thinning for years. By the SPLC's own count, the number of Klan groups fell from 130 in 2016 to 72 a year later. The SPLC’s director of its Intelligence Project said they seemed to be "collapsing."

As the Klan shrank, the SPLC knew that it had to manufacture racism, and it did this by widening the definition of what could be counted as hateful and racist. It created the "Hate Map", which put mainstream Christian groups like the Family Research Council and Alliance Defending Freedom alongside the Ku Klux Klan and the Aryan Brotherhood. In 2021, it counted 733 "hate groups." In 2022, it counted 1,225 "hate and antigovernment extremist groups," many of them parents' groups focused on education. Today the list includes Moms for Liberty, PragerU and Turning Point USA.

Every bank knew it was the kiss of death to be seen doing business with the Klan. And when these bankers saw the Christian and conservative groups in the same category as the Klan, they took these accusations on faith. They cut off the customers the SPLC named. In return, they got their innocence. Their banks were cleansed of racists.

JPMorgan may have been the most savvy of them all. It donated to the SPLC and then its own subsidiary used the SPLC’s labels to close accounts it had flagged as racist. It bought innocence and, simultaneously, used it as a weapon.

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The power of White guilt is that it leverages the charge of racism mercilessly. It never has to prove the charge — the charge itself is enough. That has been the power of SPLC all along and it is a most lucrative one. The ones who paid were those who were accused of being Christians who hold the same views as millions of Americans. They were put into the race box and charged accordingly.

The gun that Morris Dees wore to my college turned out to be theater. We believed that it meant that racism was a living threat that might erupt any day now. Decades later, as I have followed the SPLC’s record, I have come to understand that the "Hate Map" is part of the same theater. The banks believed it because it was cheaper than challenging the methodologies of the SPLC and risking their judgement, the racist charge included.

This is the White guilt transaction that my father has long described and warned us against. The gift of this OCC report is that it reveals the truth that many of us have long suspected but could never answer. This report details what happened. But the harder question still remains: what do these banks, the SPLC and everyone who profited from this White guilt machine owe the people that they falsely put on that list?

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That gun never had to be fired. Neither did the Hate Map. The power was always in the accusation.