A Republican member on the House Armed Services Committee told Fox News Digital ahead of the midterm elections that the Trump administration has a key decision to make on the future of the U.S.-Iran war as "continuing to do just enough not to lose, but not enough to win, is not OK."
Rep. Pat Harrigan, R-N.C., made the comments as Vice President JD Vance declared during a Fox News town hall on Thursday that he promises "Donald Trump is not going to let Iran become a forever war." Official and military sources also told Fox News this week that movements are being made in the Middle East to give the president options if he decides to resume strikes against Iran.
"I share my constituents and many Americans' perspective that I'm very, very frustrated that this war is not over. The way that ultimately this administration went about conducting the war, it needed to execute it and wrap it up in a very short period of time, and we are not there yet," said Harrigan, who is running for re-election in North Carolina's 10th Congressional District.
"That being said, Iran can't have a nuclear weapon. And so at the end of the day, I do believe that this was a war that was inevitable at some point, but the party that's in power and the administration that decided to pull the trigger on it is responsible for the outcome, and they're responsible for the outcome in a very short period of time. Otherwise, things get really, really difficult," Harrigan continued. "And I think we've been seeing that, both from a political perspective but also from a policy perspective."
"And so while the administration needs to wrap this up, we are not in a forever war, but we need to make sure that we're not... we keep the mission the same. We accomplish the mission. And we do what it takes to either win or come home," Harrigan added. "And that binary decision has to get made by this administration."
Harrigan told Fox News Digital that Trump "needs to involve Congress" if he chooses to renew military action against the Iranian regime.
"I think that that will long-term set the course for the country to be resolute in affirming and actually executing and accomplishing the objectives that exist. Because look, like it or not, Congress is responsible for the funding arm of the government. And if they run out of money to accomplish the objectives, then that is not good for our strategic interests," he said. "So, in my opinion, Congress and the White House need to be very closely involved in making the next set of decisions that exist for this conflict."
"And we do need to make sure, again, that we either do what it takes to actually win in Iran, or we need to take the three out of five objectives that we've accomplished and say that, you know what? We've largely accomplished our strategic objectives. We've got more work to do over the long-term that's going to require consistent and persistent over the horizon monitoring of their nuclear program. And we're going to have to mow the lawn every now and again, and everybody's got to realize that, and leave, right?" Harrigan continued, mentioning how the U.S. has prevented Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and eliminated Tehran's missile and drone production.
"But we've got to choose one of those two options because continuing to do just enough not to lose, but not enough to win, is not OK," he said. "It's not OK for the American people, it's not OK for our troops, it's not OK for geopolitical and economic stability. And it does not serve the long-term strategic interests of the United States. So it's time to choose."
Harrigan, a Green Beret and business entrepreneur, is running for re-election on Tuesday in North Carolina. He is facing off against Democrat challenger Ashley Bell, a physician associate, and Libertarian candidate Steve Feldman, who ran unsuccessfully for the seat two years ago.
As a current member of Congress, Harrigan told Fox News there is "no question" the Republican Party's House majority is at stake heading into Election Day.
"Whoever has 218 votes gets to chart the course of the direction of the House, the work that its committees do. And in particular, as it relates to the Trump administration, whether or not President Trump's going to get impeached," he added.
"What this boils down to is the future direction of the country. Are we going to be stuck looking backwards instead of actually looking forwards, dealing with the actual business of the county and the free world, or are we going to be stuck in some sort of a Democratically-led nightmare that is simply going to be obstructionist to the conservative principles and values that people voted for in 2024?" Harrigan asked. "That's what's on the line this election cycle."
Slovakia's Prosecutor General Maros Zilinka said on Oct. 30 that he had reopened a criminal case against former Prime Minister Eduard Heger and former Defense Minister Jaroslav Nad over their decision to donate Slovakia's fleet of MiG-29 fighter jets and Soviet-era KUB air defense systems to Ukraine in spring 2023.
Peter Rhee is a Navy trauma surgeon who served 24 years in the US military. He operated in several active war zones, including Iraq and Afghanistan.
Peter Rhee speaks to Business Insider about treating bullet wounds, battlefield trauma surgery conditions, AI-powered medical technology, and military medical training
He also discusses his role treating Rep. Gabby Giffords after she was shot in an attempted assassination in 2011 in Arizona.
Automated gun turrets now serve in Ukraine’s Air Force and are destroying Russia’s jet-powered weapons, the Defense Ministry reported on 29 October. It gave no count for those jet kills, and it did not say what type of drones the turrets downed over Kyiv.
Jet drones are where Ukraine struggles most. From 1 to 26 September, Ukraine downed 55% of jet-powered drones against 90% of slower ones, partly because its interceptor drones fly at about 300 km/h, too slow to catch them. Yurii Cherevashenko, Deputy Commander of the Air Force, told a parliamentary inquiry commission on 6 October that jet-drone interceptors would arrive in the needed numbers no earlier than late November. Guns have limits too. On 5 October, Air Force spokesman Yurii Ihnat said turrets had already downed Geran-5s, but that their range is short because their main weapon is a machine gun.
Air Force turrets against jet weapons
According to the ministry, Brave1, a defense innovation cluster, began developing automated turrets in 2024. The systems have since “moved beyond the experimental stage and become an integral part of air defense,” it said. In Air Force service, the turrets are destroying jet-powered Banderol munitions and Geran-5 drones.
Explore further
To scale up air defense without straining the front, Ukraine enlists business. In under year nearly 100 companies have joined, their crews downing 60-plus targets
Russia first used the Geran-5, a 6-meter jet-powered strike drone, in early 2026. The Banderol, a jet-powered cruise missile, flies at 520–560 km/h and can reach 650 km/h.
Private teams, a familiar number
Separately, the ministry said turrets have destroyed more than 60 targets within the private air defense project. The project lets companies form anti-drone teams that work under Air Force command.
Explore further
Postal service Nova Post says it has already shot down Russian Shahed drones, as Ukrainian businesses take air defense into their own hands
Yet on 14 October, the ministry gave the same 60-plus total for all private teams. At the time, it named interceptor drones and heavy machine-gun turrets as their main weapons. Groups from six companies were on combat duty, about 50 groups had been formed in total, and some were still training. Nearly 100 companies had joined by then, up from 81 in mid-September.
The ministry says the project expands air defense “without placing an additional burden” on the military’s own air defense. It and Brave1 say they will keep integrating automated turrets into the air defense system.
The Sky Sentinel turret can autonomously acquire and lock onto air targets, even jet-powered drones.
Viacheslav Madiievskyi/ Ukrinform/Future Publishing via Getty Images
Once experimental tech, AI turrets are now becoming an "integral part of air defense" in Ukraine's war.
These are guns that can detect and lock onto targets by calculating speed and trajectory.
Ukraine has deployed over a dozen of these and is looking to surge their production and use.
Ukraine is using machine gun turrets controlled by artificial intelligence in battle, and they're working well enough that Kyiv wants to roll them out at a faster pace.
While Ukraine began revealing prototypes of these systems last year, Brave1, the country's defense innovation platform, said on Thursday that they've now become "an integral part of air defense" for its forces.
"In the last month alone, automated turrets have destroyed dozens of enemy drones over Kyiv," Brave1 said, adding that it started work on these weapons in 2024 as experimental technology.
Not much is publicly known about the core capabilities of these turrets, such as their range or how their software works, but they've primarily been described as an air defense tool against Russian drones.
The idea is that artificial intelligence helps the turret detect, acquire, and track a target, making it more accurate than human operators at engaging high-speed air targets such as jet-powered Gerans.
More than a dozen such systems are now deployed in the Kyiv area, with another eight planned for the region, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in early October.
In a sign that Ukraine plans to lean further into the technology, Zelenskyy later praised the systems further, saying on October 19 that AI-powered turrets have "proven highly effective against shaheds."
"We are increasing orders, and it is important to accelerate every process as much as possible — organizational, financial, and production-related," Zelenskyy said.
One such system, the Sky Sentinel, is a .50-cal M2 Browning turret developed and operated by private air defense firm Carmine Sky. It can spin 360 degrees and lock onto a target while firing by calculating speed and trajectory.
Each one costs about $150,000, a Ukrainian commander told Business Insider's Jake Epstein last summer, and can distinguish between birds and drones. The turret still requires a human operator to authorize when to fire, the commander said.
Ukraine said an AI-enabled turret shot down Russia's fastest attack drone.
Courtesy of United24
Brave1 released a montage on Thursday indicating that Ukraine is also fielding other types of automated turrets, showcasing clips of several designs.
It said turrets had shot down at least 60 targets under its Private Air Defense Project, a pilot that allows private Ukrainian firms to buy air defense equipment and train civilian staff to use them against drones threatening factories, warehouses, and other important sites.
Notably, Brave1 said these turrets took down Russian Geran-5s and Banderols — jet-powered drones and cruise missiles that can reach speeds of 375 to 400 mph.
A similar claim was made by Yuriy Ihnat, the Ukrainian air force's spokesperson, in early October, when he said that AI-powered turrets had shot down Russian jet-powered drones for the first time. Ihnat did not say which system was used.
Kyiv has eagerly integrated AI into much of its war effort, using machine learning models for other functions, such as predicting enemy drone strikes and autonomously conducting supply runs with robotic buggies.
The turrets do have limited range, making them more useful as a final defense against drones or against low-flying targets.
They'll likely be one of several tools Ukraine is developing to counter Russian jet-powered threats.
Over the last few months, the Kremlin has been ramping up production and deployment of cheap cruise missiles or drones equipped with turbojet engines. These weapons, flying at nearly half the speed of sound and launched by the thousands every month, have become a major challenge for Ukrainian air defenses.
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President Trump’s proposed triumphal arch would be a “generational defense opportunity,” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin have argued in court declarations. Critics have dismissed Trump’s attempts to link the arch to national security needs as a smokescreen to push through a divisive construction project. In filings submitted to a federal…
President Trump’s proposed triumphal arch would be a “generational defense opportunity,” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin have argued in court declarations. Critics have dismissed Trump’s attempts to link the arch to national security needs as a smokescreen to push through a divisive construction project. In filings submitted to a federal…
President Trump blasted Democrats Thursday over their ongoing calls to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whom they see as one of their primary targets, if the party takes control of the House. “I think it’s terrible. All they do is they talk about impeaching everybody,” the president told reporters when asked if he is worried…
President Trump blasted Democrats Thursday over their ongoing calls to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whom they see as one of their primary targets, if the party takes control of the House. “I think it’s terrible. All they do is they talk about impeaching everybody,” the president told reporters when asked if he is worried…
Depuis le tarissement du soutien américain à l'Ukraine, l'Union européenne a décidé de subvenir seule aux besoins de Kiev. Mais les États membres en ont-ils les moyens ? Tenus en marge des négociations, engagés dans un grand réarmement en vue d'un conflit sans fin avec la Russie, ils pourraient à présent redouter qu'un arrêt des hostilités expose leur absence de stratégie.
Jusqu'où peut aller l'écart entre les faits et les discours des autorités, autrement dit, le déni politique (1) ? Longtemps cantonnée, en Occident, aux régimes totalitaires, la question se pose désormais à propos de l'Union européenne. Certes, ses dirigeants avaient déjà fait la preuve de leur capacité à maintenir un cadrage idéologique de plus en plus désajusté par rapport aux réalités politiques. Après les référendums perdus sur le traité constitutionnel européen en 2005 en France et aux Pays-Bas, la « démocratie » européenne a contourné le rejet populaire massif en toilettant légèrement son projet de sanctuarisation du néolibéralisme.
Vingt ans plus tard, MM. Friedrich Merz et Emmanuel Macron, Mmes Ursula von der Leyen et Kaja Kallas relèvent un autre défi : faire consentir les peuples à une militarisation illimitée, financée par la réduction drastique des dépenses sociales et écologiques sur fond d'endettement massif des États. Mais comment convaincre les habitants du Vieux Continent d'accepter une dégradation de leurs conditions de vie ? Comment leur faire admettre qu'à ce prix seulement naîtra une Europe libre, démocratique et renforcée par une Ukraine rétablie dans ses frontières de 1991 ?
Selon les mots de M. Macron lors d'une conférence conjointe avec le président Volodymyr Zelensky le 17 novembre 2025, « l'Union européenne devra continuer d'apporter à l'Ukraine un soutien financier prévisible et stable à long terme. Nous y parviendrons, y compris, s'il le faut, en explorant les voies nouvelles, comme nous avons su le faire dans d'autres cas quand la situation l'exigeait. Je pense en particulier à l'endettement commun dans le contexte de la pandémie » de Covid-19.
Comme le suggèrent les mobilisations actuelles en France, parier que le coût social du soutien à la guerre et au « grand réarmement » n'entamera ni l'adhésion au projet politique européen ni la popularité des dirigeants qui le portent semble de plus en plus illusoire. Comme un crépi trop vite posé, le récit héroïque élaboré depuis l'invasion russe de l'Ukraine s'effrite : pris séparément, chacun de ses éléments comporte une part de crédibilité ; mais l'ensemble présente un tel écart avec la situation qu'il ne tient pas. L'Europe se prétend engagée dans une lutte existentielle face à une menace russe devenue omniprésente et chaque jour plus agressive, avec la multiplication des cyberattaques et des menaces de drones. Elle affirme qu'elle suppléera aux faiblesses du parrain américain et satisfera sans faillir les besoins financiers toujours plus importants de Kiev.
D'un côté, la « guerre hybride » menée par une Russie omnipotente aux frontières de l'Organisation du traité de l'Atlantique nord (OTAN) justifierait une mobilisation européenne de chaque instant. De l'autre, l'Ukraine et ses invincibles alliés ne cesseraient d'affaiblir Moscou, d'asphyxier son économie invariablement décrite comme exsangue, de marquer des points contre son armée de soudards incompétents et mal commandés.
En même temps que des missiles européens lancés depuis l'Ukraine tuent des soldats et des civils russes et que les exécutifs occidentaux examinent la possibilité d'un conflit généralisé, l'engagement en faveur de Kiev exprimerait avant tout une volonté pacifique. « Face à ce qui est devenu aussi une forme d'addiction de la Russie à la guerre, affirmait M. Macron le 17 novembre 2025, nous demeurons, nous, déterminés et entêtés pour la paix. » À cette paix par la guerre, le pape Léon XIV, en visite le 25 septembre dernier à l'Élysée, a objecté : « La paix n'est pas un équilibre des forces, elle se construit chaque jour par le dialogue et la justice. »
L'océan et le compte-gouttes
Après quatre ans et demi de combats, la ligne de front relativement figée mais toujours aussi mortelle s'est doublée d'une campagne de destructions mutuelles d'infrastructures. Elles affectent tout particulièrement l'Ukraine qui ne parvient plus à exporter de céréales ni à produire de l'acier dans les conditions habituelles. Le 16 octobre, Kiev a réclamé 70 milliards d'euros supplémentaires pour financer l'effort de guerre en 2027. Le pays résiste toujours militairement face à l'agression russe. Mais il est désormais tenu à bout de bras par les crédits des États européens, eux-mêmes en proie à de fortes tensions budgétaires, auxquels M. Trump a transmis le fardeau.
Or les dirigeants du Vieux Continent n'ont officiellement fixé aucune limite temporelle ou quantitative à leur engagement, même s'ils peinent à concrétiser des annonces souvent fracassantes. Présentée comme une solution miracle, l'affectation à l'Ukraine des 200 milliards d'avoirs russes gelés se heurte à des risques juridiques critiques. Le prêt de 90 milliards, finalement validé par le Conseil de l'UE le 23 avril 2026 après la levée du veto hongrois, n'a pas été entièrement versé… et le compte-gouttes ne suffit pas à couvrir les besoins énormes du pays. Mme von der Leyen dessine elle-même la sombre perspective d'« un hiver de guerre qui sera le pire d'entre tous » (discours sur l'état de l'Union du 16 septembre 2026).
Le futur cadre financier pluriannuel (CFP, ou « budget européen »), proposé par la Commission en 2025, validé par le Parlement en avril 2026 et dont le montant total s'élève à 2 000 milliards d'euros sur sept ans, illustre la contradiction profonde des politiques économiques menées presque partout en Europe. Plusieurs dirigeants d'États membres dits « frugaux », emmenés par le chancelier allemand Friedrich Merz, ont d'ores et déjà fait savoir qu'ils jugeaient la dépense globale trop élevée (2). Ils désirent réduire les dépenses mais sanctuariser les 131 milliards d'euros consacrés à la défense. L'enveloppe peut sembler « petite » rapportée à des budgets nationaux de défense eux-mêmes en forte augmentation, à l'image de celui de la Pologne (autour de 45 milliards d'euros annuels), mais elle représente une multiplication par cinq par rapport au précédent CFP. Il faut du reste lui ajouter la « réserve pour l'Ukraine », hors plafond, fixée à environ 90 milliards d'euros, ainsi que le prêt du même montant censé couvrir des besoins croissants nés de la sophistication technologique du conflit. Ces sommes importantes manqueront aux mobilités estudiantines et à la recherche (en dehors des applications à la défense de l'intelligence artificielle comme de la physique quantique), au monde agricole et à la transition énergétique en Europe. Elles restent malgré tout insuffisantes du point de vue ukrainien.
Ce tonneau des Danaïdes se changera-t-il en un baril de poudre, puis en déflagration sociale et politique ? Le contexte macroéconomique, très défavorable, le laisse penser. Au lourd bilan de la guerre en Ukraine pour les finances publiques européennes s'ajoutent depuis 2022 les conséquences d'une réduction de la dépendance aux hydrocarbures russes. La hausse des prix de l'énergie qui en découle a déjà affecté très durement l'industrie européenne, en premier lieu allemande, alors même que la perpétuation des dogmes libre-échangistes maintient son économie ouverte à des biens et services à bas prix importés de Chine, des États-Unis, de l'Inde ou du Marché commun du Sud (Mercosur). Le taux de croissance du produit intérieur brut (PIB) de l'Allemagne a stagné trois années durant. Surtout, ses bases industrielles ont beaucoup souffert de la nouvelle configuration des échanges mondiaux. Même M. Pascal Lamy a fini par reconnaître que l'Europe avait perdu pied face à la concurrence chinoise. L'ancien directeur général de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), de 2005 à 2013, et héraut de la mondialisation libérale propose désormais une généralisation de la « clause de sauvegarde » pour l'acier entrée en vigueur en juillet 2026, ce qui marquerait une inflexion notable vers un nouveau protectionnisme (Le Monde, 7 octobre 2026).
Entretenue par la pression sur le coût du travail et par la réduction des dépenses publiques, l'atonie devrait perdurer. La crise au Proche-Orient entraîne les prix de l'énergie à la hausse et conduit la Banque centrale européenne à augmenter à nouveau les taux d'intérêt directeurs le 10 septembre, limitant d'autant l'investissement des entreprises et des ménages. La conjonction de la hausse des taux et de la réduction des déficits par la baisse des dépenses publiques — le mantra officiel dans la plupart des États membres — n'annonce donc pas des lendemains qui chantent pour les populations, en particulier les plus fragiles.
Il faut sans doute voir là l'origine d'une perte d'attractivité du projet européen de plus en plus souvent soulignée par les observateurs : l'Islande a rejeté par référendum la perspective d'une éventuelle négociation d'adhésion à l'UE ; les difficultés à engager le processus d'intégration de l'Ukraine s'ajoutent à des initiatives hasardeuses de Mme von der Leyen, comme celle consistant à associer le Canada à l'Union au moment où plusieurs pays candidats pauvres et périphériques souhaiteraient bénéficier des ressources budgétaires de Bruxelles.
Dans les anciennes régions industrielles de l'Europe où les populations se déplacent en voiture pour aller travailler et où les politiques sociales et les services publics s'effilochent, le choc socio-économique est rude. Il commence à s'accompagner de secousses politiques, en particulier en Allemagne, avec le succès de l'Alternative pour l'Allemagne (AfD) en Saxe-Anhalt le 6 septembre dernier, suivi d'une réplique en Mecklembourg-Poméranie-Occidentale deux semaines après. Ces résultats contribuent à remettre en cause un récit de l'intégration réussie des Länder de l'Est, peu contesté depuis 1989. La rupture totale avec la Russie n'a cessé d'y nourrir la progression du vote pour la droite radicale, et la posture moralisatrice des démocrates autoproclamés de l'Ouest parvient de moins en moins à convaincre des majorités, même lorsque la participation électorale est forte. L'effondrement historique de l'Union chrétienne-démocrate (CDU), qui disparaît du Parlement de Mecklembourg-Poméranie-Occidentale, cache un bouleversement déjà palpable dans les sondages d'intentions de vote, l'AfD étant désormais créditée de près de 30 % au niveau national, faisant presque jeu égal avec les scores additionnés des deux partis au pouvoir (CDU et Parti social-démocrate [SPD]).
Les politiques économiques et sociales menées en Europe ont d'ores et déjà abouti aux succès des partis de droite nationaliste ou extrême. La gauche radicale n'a, elle, pas voix au chapitre dans une partie des États d'Europe centrale et orientale, où le socialisme a d'ailleurs parfois quasi disparu de l'offre politique, comme en Hongrie, en République tchèque et en Slovaquie. Dans certaines régions ou villes (Saint-Denis en France, Berlin en Allemagne), des poussées électorales « rouges » traduisent sporadiquement l'importance du mécontentement social.
Vers l'ingouvernabilité ?
De façon plus structurelle, le processus en cours pourrait conduire à une forme d'ingouvernabilité, voire, à terme, à une paralysie politique, quand le « centre » constitué par une coalition allant des sociaux-démocrates aux chrétiens-démocrates se contracte électoralement et se divise. Le cas français depuis 2022, et surtout 2024, l'illustre, avec une tripartition instable et un « bloc central » déliquescent.
Les indicateurs, électoraux ou mesurés dans des enquêtes, révèlent une colère sociale dans différents pays. En France, elle se traduit par un puissant mouvement lycéen et étudiant (lire le dossier). Le tournant militaro-austéritaire de l'UE n'apporte aucune solution au mécontentement des classes populaires et des classes moyennes, lequel alimente les succès de l'extrême droite. Acculée, la technocratie bruxelloise n'entend pas ouvrir de débat de fond sur l'avenir du modèle économique, social et politique européen. Rien ne semble à court terme devoir stopper l'enchaînement dont chacun reconnaît à présent le caractère fatal : hausse des budgets de la défense et radicalisation belliciste, baisse des dépenses publiques, en particulier sociales, inflation due aux chocs énergétiques, ouverture libre-échangiste à la concurrence internationale qui élimine les entreprises fragiles, pression à la baisse sur le coût du travail…
À ce stade, la perspective d'un conflit ouvert avec la Russie semble d'autant moins crédible, et entendable, que l'Europe reste largement dépendante des États-Unis, sur le plan tant militaire qu'idéologique. Mais la paix en Ukraine présenterait pour l'Union une menace également impérieuse : elle placerait ses dirigeants face au grand vide de leur stratégie.
War Secretary Pete Hegseth fired one of the Pentagon’s senior strategic planners amid an investigation into allegations he leaked classified information to journalists about the Iran war, Russia’s war in Ukraine and other sensitive matters, a Department of War official told Fox News.
The official said Lt. Gen. Brett Sylvia failed three polygraph examinations related to alleged disclosures of classified information. The investigation has been referred to the Justice Department.
Sylvia is also accused of meeting journalists outside the Pentagon with the alleged intention of leaking classified material after Hegseth imposed new media restrictions requiring reporters to be escorted inside the building.
Fox News Digital has reached out to the DOJ and Sylvia for comment but did not hear back at time of publication.
Sylvia served as director of the Joint Staff’s Directorate for Strategy, Plans and Policy, known as the J5, a senior role responsible for developing military strategy and advising the chairman of the Joint Chiefs. The J5 has been sidelined from that role since the spring, according to well-placed sources who spoke to Fox News.
The official stressed that Sylvia was not a central planner of the Iran war, which falls under U.S. Central Command and its commander, Adm. Brad Cooper.
The Atlantic first reported Sylvia’s ouster Wednesday night, citing sources who said Hegseth had lost confidence in the three-star general amid tensions with Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby.
Sylvia is the second officer leading the J5 to be removed under Hegseth, following Lt. Gen. John McGee. Hegseth also removed Lt. Gen. Douglas Sims, then director of the Joint Staff, earlier this year.
U.S. officials have reportedly warned allies in the Middle East to prepare for possible renewed strikes after next week’s midterm elections and potential Iranian retaliation, while additional U.S. forces are moving into the region.
A 1994 West Point graduate, Sylvia has served more than three decades in the Army, including multiple deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan, and was wounded in combat. Before taking over the J5 in December, he commanded the 101st Airborne Division at Fort Campbell and had previously served as the J5’s vice director.
Sylvia’s removal is the latest in a broader turnover of senior military leadership under Hegseth, with nearly two dozen generals, admirals and other senior leaders fired, pushed out or otherwise departing during his tenure.
Ukrainian troops use computers, phones, and tablets to see Delta's battlefield management system.
Diego Herrera Carcedo/Anadolu via Getty Images
NATO has provided new details about its AI model for predicting Russian drone strikes on the front lines.
Called Initiative 13 or Model 13, it works for about 31 miles behind the line of contact.
The AI gives commanders a map showing the next day's expected Russian drone activity.
A new NATO artificial intelligence model gives Ukraine's forces a frontline map of where Russian drone activityis expected the next day, per the alliance's innovation center.
The system, called Initiative 13 or Model 13, "turns an array of disparate data into a clear map of expected activity" for commanders to plan their next day of operations, a spokesperson for NATO's Joint Analysis, Training, and Education Center, or JATEC, told Business Insider.
Business Insider reported on Ukraine's announcement of the program earlier this month, but JATEC is now providing new details on how it works.
Initiative 13 covers areas 5 to 50 km, or roughly 3 to 31 miles, of Ukrainian territory behind the line of contact, and divides that space into geographical cells, per JATEC.
"For each cell, the system determines the expected intensity of strike and reconnaissance activity of UAVs, the level of threat, the trend of its change, and the range of possible values," its spokesperson said.
The map shows a forecast for the next day, helping commanders to highlight risk areas so they can better deploy their forces and equipment, they said.
They added that the AI model is trained on battlefield data and considers previous Russian drone activity, what types of drones were used, when and how they were deployed, weather conditions, terrain, and distance to the line of contact.
"Initiative 13 does not replace data from the current situation and commander's decisions," the JATEC spokesperson added. JATEC is NATO's joint organization with Ukraine, based in Poland, that aims to glean lessons and innovations from the war.
Ukraine's defense ministry said in mid-October that Initiative 13, which it called Model 13, was "ready for integration into the Armed Forces of Ukraine's situational awareness systems."
The AI model, it said, could predict Russia's drone strikes with "high probability."
Kyiv's forces use a battlespace management system called Delta, which feeds data from the front lines onto an interactive map that commanders can access via laptop, phone, or tablet.
The drone-predicting AI was developed by Ukraine's forces and NATO's Allied Command Transformation, with support from JATEC.
Ukraine's defense ministry said in its initial announcement that another AI model, dubbed No. 32, for planning artillery deployments was also in the works but is still in prototype stages.
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Mechanics repair unmanned ground vehicles at the Lava Unmanned Systems Regiment workshop in the Kharkiv region.
Diego Fedele/Getty Images
A Ukrainian unit says its ground robot completed 93% of a 12-mile supply mission autonomously.
The robot used AI navigation, cameras, and 3D mapping to navigate the route.
The unit hopes to expand autonomous missions and reduce reliance on services like Starlink.
A Ukrainian military unit said on Wednesday that it successfully sent a ground robot on a 12-mile supply run, using AI to navigate for nearly the entirety of the mission.
The Lava Unmanned Systems Regiment of the 2nd Corps, or Khartiia Corps, of Ukraine's National Guard announced the completion of the autonomous logistics mission in a statement shared with Business Insider, calling it the "first of its kind under combat conditions."
The unit said that the robot completed 93% of its 20-kilometer trip on its own, delivering cargo and returning to its starting point autonomously, with an operator intervening for only 1.4 kilometers of the journey.
Before departure, a separate ground robot equipped with light detection and ranging technology, or LiDAR, mapped the route and terrain in 3D. Cameras on the supply bot detected obstacles while AI-powered navigation guided the robot.
"This mission has shown that autonomous ground systems are already capable of operating in real combat conditions," said Andrii Kopach, who serves as commander of the Lava Regiment's Unmanned Ground Systems Battalion.
"The biggest change is that the operator is no longer a driver but a dispatcher," he said. "Instead of controlling the vehicle every second, they monitor its movement and step in only when needed."
Kopach said that the unit's next ambitions are to enable a single operator to oversee multiple robots at once and expand autonomous missions to casualty evacuations. He added that more AI-powered ground robots would reduce dependence on "a constant control link," such as Starlink, a satellite internet service which recently saw major speed disruptions in Ukraine, negatively affecting front-line operations.
Ground robots have become an important tool for Ukraine, carrying out resupply, casualty evacuation, and assault missions. The Ukrainian military, and Western military leaders studying lessons from the war, hope that increased reliance on ground robots and aerial drones, as well as the increased integration of AI capabilities into these systems, can help reduce the risks to the troops who would otherwise perform those missions on increasingly dangerous battlefields.
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