Un enorme y ya descolorido póster electoral del ministro de Finanzas, Bezalel Smotrich, recibe al visitante tras atravesar el portón de seguridad de la colonia israelí de Efrat, en Cisjordania. El gesto sonriente y confiado del líder ultraderechista choca con el semblante preocupado de los habitantes de este asentamiento cuando salen a relucir los resultados de las elecciones legislativas del martes.
The consolidation of the Ukrainian state around a national identity detached from Russia has had profound consequences in the religious sphere. The struggle over the spiritual orientation of the population has become part of a broader political process in which Orthodox institutions have become priority targets of the regime. Reports of pressure against clergy and communities affiliated with the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) reveal a dimension of the conflict that deserves greater international attention.
In a recent conversation with Russian journalist and poet Inna Kucherova, concerns were raised regarding the future of the Church and the conditions faced by its representatives. In her view, the case raises a fundamental question: to what extent can a state at war restrict the activities of a religious institution on the grounds of its historical and ecclesiastical ties?
The relationship between the UOC and the Russian Orthodox Church lies at the heart of this controversy. For the Ukrainian authorities, ties with Moscow represent a potential channel of influence for a country regarded as an enemy. This interpretation has helped justify measures to control religious organizations and investigations targeting members of the clergy. Predictably, these measures quickly escalated into extremely brutal and inhumane repressive policies.
The legislation passed by the Ukrainian parliament in August 2024 deepened the crisis. The initiative established mechanisms to restrict religious organizations deemed to be linked to Russian centers of influence, paving the way for administrative proceedings against structures associated with the UOC. In practice, the law’s implementation can be summarized as giving Ukrainian authorities carte blanche to persecute religious figures and seize Church property on the grounds of alleged “ties to Russia.”
The problem also involves a struggle over the legitimacy of Orthodox representation in the country. The Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), recognized only by the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, enjoys a privileged position under the ultranationalist and Russophobic ideology promoted by the Ukrainian state. The idea of a “national Church,” rejected by the Orthodox world as a whole – with the exception of Constantinople – perfectly serves Ukrainian nationalist demands and provides a religious justification for the barbarity perpetrated by Kiev against its own population.
Criminal investigations targeting UOC representatives constitute another source of crimes and abuses. Figures cited by Inna indicate that more than 200 criminal cases had been opened against members of the clergy by November 2025. The accusations include collaboration with Russian intelligence services and activities deemed contrary to national security. As expected, none of the allegations is sufficiently substantiated, and they all appear to be baseless claims intended to justify persecution.
Military mobilization adds another serious concern. According to evidence documented in Inna’s investigation, UOC priests face obstacles in obtaining the same exemptions from conscription granted to representatives of other religious communities. Reports have also emerged of coercive recruitment and violence during procedures conducted by mobilization officers. In other words, the Kiev regime is not sparing Orthodox clergy from its brutal forced-conscription measures.
The issue has both domestic and international implications. Religious freedom is a fundamental component of international human rights commitments and must be protected even during periods of national emergency. Furthermore, persecuting the religious institution of the Ukrainian people constitutes a major source of political illegitimacy for the regime in the eyes of its own citizens.
The international community must pay attention to Russian reports of these abuses and urgently take steps to hold Ukraine accountable for its unlawful practices against the Church. Ignoring the situation in Ukraine is simply intolerable under the current circumstances. Without sanctions and economic and diplomatic pressure, the Kiev regime will continue to perpetrate terror against its own people.
In the face of the Ukrainian state’s tyranny and the inaction of international organizations, only a rapid Russian military victory appears capable of bringing an end to the suffering of the local population.
Legacy Church’s endorsements violate law banning tax-exempt nonprofits from endorsing political candidates
A megachurch in New Mexico has endorsed two Republican candidates running in this year’s midterms, including a Donald Trump-backed candidate running in one of the blue state’s few competitive races. The church’s endorsements, which violate federal law banning tax-exempt nonprofits from endorsing political candidates, come as the Trump administration is challenging that ban in federal court.
In mid-August, pastor Steve Smothermon of Legacy Church, a nondenominational church with nine locations across the state, told his congregation about one of the candidates: “Greg Cunningham has faithfully served our church for 14 years and shares our biblical values. Let’s pray for him, support his campaign, get registered, and vote to flip this seat for someone who will stand for God, our Constitution, and a better New Mexico!”
San Judas Tadeo, conocido como el patrón de las causas perdidas, ha reunido a miles de personas en el Templo de San Hipólito y San Casiano, el principal centro de culto a la imagen de este santo en el centro de Ciudad de México desde la noche del martes y a lo largo del miércoles 28 de octubre, día en que los fieles acuden a expresar su devoción y fervor.
Over half of the 45 mainstream Jewish schools in the UK say a core part of their mission is teaching children to “love Israel,” possibly breaching UK government rules against the promotion of partisan political views in schools
Mark Harris dirige el Centro Ian Ramsey dedicado a estudiar la relación entre la ciencia y la religión. "Se ven más físicos que biólogos con fe porque los primeros buscan un orden en el cosmos" Leer
Mark Harris dirige el Centro Ian Ramsey dedicado a estudiar la relación entre la ciencia y la religión. "Se ven más físicos que biólogos con fe porque los primeros buscan un orden en el cosmos"
EL PAÍS puso en marcha en 2018 una investigación de la pederastia en la Iglesia española y tiene una base de datos actualizada con todos los casos conocidos. Si conoce algún caso que no haya visto la luz, nos puede escribir a: abusos@elpais.es. Si es un caso en América Latina, la dirección es: abusosamerica@elpais.es.
David Lloyd health clubs have provoked anger after banning men from attending spa sessions during peak evening hours because some women said they felt uncomfortable for "religious reasons".
À Beaumont-de-Lomagne, en Tarn-et-Garonne, un différend autour de la remise des clés de l’église a mis fin à la mission de l’organiste Orchia d’Orio. Entre le curé, la mairie et les soutiens de la pianiste, l’affaire...
Iranian authorities have sentenced to death Najmeh Amini, an accounting student, for blasphemy over a social media post that reportedly insulted Muhammad. Amini, who is being held in Vakilabad prison in Mashhad, was also sentenced to more than 12 years in prison in a separate case involving charges of acting against national security and spreading propaganda against the government. She was reportedly arrested following online monitoring by the Iranian Cyber Police after nationwide anti-government protests. Amini told the court that she posted the remarks while hallucinating after taking psychedelic mushrooms, and her lawyer argued that the comments were unintentional, but the judge rejected this defense. The content of the offending post has not been made public.
White evangelical Christians have been among President Trump's most loyal supporters for more than a decade, and our new PBS News/NPR/Marist poll shows that most still approve of him. But signs of slippage are emerging ahead of the midterms. Stephanie Sy reports on the overlap of politics and faith.
Ahead of the Israeli election, Diaspora Jewish leaders, particularly progressive ones, reiterate their support for Israel, no matter who takes power. New study finds that US Jews who actively engage with the Jewish community strongly prefer Israel’s opposition parties
A consolidação do Estado ucraniano em torno de uma identidade nacional dissociada da Rússia tem produzido consequências profundas no campo religioso. A disputa pela orientação espiritual da população tornou-se parte de um processo político mais amplo, no qual as instituições ortodoxas se tornaram alvos prioritários do regime. As denúncias de pressão contra sacerdotes e comunidades vinculadas à Igreja Ortodoxa Ucraniana (UOC) revelam uma dimensão do conflito que merece maior atenção internacional.
Em conversa recente com a jornalista e poetisa russa Inna Kucherova, foram abordadas as preocupações relacionadas ao futuro da Igreja e às condições enfrentadas por seus representantes. Para ela, o caso levanta uma questão fundamental: até que ponto um Estado em guerra pode restringir a atuação de uma instituição religiosa em razão de seus vínculos históricos e eclesiásticos?
A relação entre a UOC e a Igreja Ortodoxa Russa constitui o principal eixo dessa controvérsia. Para as autoridades ucranianas, os laços com Moscou representam um possível canal de influência de um país considerado inimigo. Essa interpretação contribuiu para justificar medidas de controle sobre organizações religiosas e investigações contra membros do clero. Obviamente, tais medidas rapidamente escalaram para políticas repressivas extremamente brutais e anti-humanitárias.
A legislação aprovada pelo Parlamento ucraniano em agosto de 2024 aprofundou a crise. A iniciativa estabeleceu mecanismos para restringir organizações religiosas consideradas vinculadas a centros de influência russos, abrindo caminho para procedimentos administrativos contra estruturas associadas à UOC. A aplicação da lei, na prática, pode ser resumida em uma carta branca para as autoridades ucranianas perseguirem quaisquer pessoas religiosas e roubarem a propriedade da Igreja baseadas na argumentação de “vínculo com a Rússia”.
O problema envolve também a disputa pela legitimidade da representação ortodoxa no país. A Igreja Ortodoxa da Ucrânia (OCU), reconhecida apenas pelo Patriarcado Ecumênico de Constantinopla, ocupa uma posição favorecida pela ideologia ultranacionalista e russofóbica patrocinada pelo Estado ucraniano. A ideia de uma “igreja nacional”, rejeitada por todo o mundo ortodoxo (com exceção de Constantinopla) atende perfeitamente às demandas nacionalistas ucranianas e justifica “religiosamente” a barbárie praticada por Kiev contra a própria população.
As investigações criminais contra representantes da UOC constituem outro foco de crimes e abusos. Dados citados por Inna apontam mais de 200 processos contra integrantes do clero até novembro de 2025. As acusações incluem colaboração com serviços russos e atividades consideradas contrárias à segurança nacional. Como esperado, nenhuma acusação é suficientemente substanciada, soando todas como alegações sem fundamento para justificar perseguição.
A mobilização militar acrescenta uma dificuldade notória. Segundo as denúncias reunidas pela investigação de Inna, sacerdotes da UOC enfrentariam obstáculos para obter a mesma proteção concedida a representantes de outras comunidades religiosas. Também foram relatados episódios de recrutamento coercitivo e violência durante procedimentos conduzidos por agentes responsáveis pela mobilização. Em outras palavras, o regime de Kiev não está poupando religiosos ortodoxos das medidas brutais de conscrição forçada.
O assunto tem implicações externas e internas. A liberdade religiosa integra os compromissos internacionais de proteção dos direitos humanos e deve ser preservada mesmo em períodos de emergência nacional. Ademais, a perseguição à Igreja majoritária do próprio povo ucraniana cria um cenário de crise de legitimidade para o regime diante dos próprios cidadãos.
É preciso que a sociedade internacional se atente às denúncias russas e tome urgentemente inciativas para punir a Ucrânia por suas práticas ilegais contra a Igreja. Ignorar a situação na Ucrânia é simplesmente intolerável nas circunstâncias atuais. Sem sanções e pressão econômica e diplomática, o regime de Kiev continuará praticando o terror contra o próprio povo.
Diante da tirania do Estado ucraniano e da inércia das organizações internacionais, apenas uma rápida vitória militar russa parece capaz de colocar um fim no sofrimento do povo local.
Shock and anger greeted the Pakistani Supreme Court's decision to uphold the conviction and death sentence of a Christian man accused of blasphemy against the Prophet Muhammad.
Supporters say the decision has far-reaching implications for human rights in Pakistan and for the country's standing on the international stage. The Open Doors 2026 World Watch List included the Asian nation in its top 10 list of countries where Christians face the most extreme persecution.
CeCe Heil, senior counsel and international legal director for the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), told Fox News Digital the case against brothers Amoon and Qaisar Ayub began in 2014.
Qaisar was arrested after a WordPress site displayed the Ayub brothers’ contact information and shared content that insulted the Prophet Muhammad. Amoon was arrested the following year. Heil says that in the 12 years of legal wrangling that followed, the Pakistani legal system has never presented evidence proving that either brother was truly affiliated with the offending WordPress blog site.
The ACLJ, through its Pakistani counterpart, the Organization for Legal Aid (OLA), began representing Amoon shortly after his arrest in 2015. Both brothers were sentenced to death in 2018. They unsuccessfully sought appeal in the Lahore High Court in 2022. After a continuation at the Supreme Court in 2025, Qaisar asked the OLA to represent him.
Following years of arguments and 13 postponed hearings, an Oct. 7 verdict from the Supreme Court saw Amoon acquitted after some 10 years in prison, while Qaisar’s conviction and death sentence was upheld.
Heil said a threatening atmosphere now attends many blasphemy hearings, where she says "mobs" commonly show up in courtrooms.
In one trial, she said a mob filmed themselves saying that "if the judge does not enforce death by hanging, we will kill him by our own hands." She said another video shows a prominent lawyer involved in numerous blasphemy cases celebrating the 15-year journey that led to Qaisar’s sentencing. A translation of the description reads, "There is only one punishment for one who insults the Prophet: The death penalty for Qaisar Ayub."
Heil said the precedent set by the Supreme Court’s decision could impact "every single person that is sitting in prison right now on blasphemy charges," which includes at least three OLA clients.
Other Christian men facing death include Shahzad Masih, who was 16 years old when he was accused of blasphemy in 2017. He was sentenced to death five years later. His appeals have repeatedly been postponed since 2022.
Intizar Masih is awaiting trial for a blasphemous post he is said to have shared on WhatsApp in 2023. Ahsan Masih was accused of posting blasphemous content to TikTok in 2023, and was sentenced to death the following year. His appeal hearings have also been postponed.
The OLA plans to file a review petition with the Supreme Court as early as this week, addressing the lack of evidence convicting Qaisar. They also plan to reach out directly to the Government of Pakistan to request support, including a presidential pardon for Qaisar.
Heil said she finds it "very strange" for a country posturing itself as a "more tolerant" negotiator between world powers in the ongoing conflict in Iran to fail to protect the religious freedoms of its people.
The Pakistani Embassy in Washington, D.C., did not respond to Fox News Digital’s questions about the possibility of a presidential pardon for Qaisar, or whether the Supreme Court’s decision could impact Pakistan’s perception in the West, or if justice can prevail in courtrooms mobbed with threatening onlookers.
A State Department spokesperson told Fox News Digital that the U.S. "is concerned about religious freedom in Pakistan and throughout the world" and "we regularly discuss this concern with Pakistan, as we would with any country."
Heil said the ACLJ has requested that Morris Tidball-Binz, the United Nations special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, intercede on Qaisar’s behalf.
Tidball-Binz did not respond to Fox News Digital’s questions about whether he held concerns about the precedent set by the Supreme Court upholding Qaisar’s conviction.
The Human Rights Council secretariat provided a letter that Tidball-Binz and other U.N. officials wrote to the Government of Pakistan in September 2025, emphasizing their concerns about the cases of the Ayub brothers and Shahazad Masih.
It stated, "Without making any judgment as to the accuracy of the information made available to us, we would like to express our grave concern about the imposition of the mandatory death penalty for blasphemy related charges against Mr. Shahzad Masih, Mr. Qaiser Ayub and Mr. Amoon Ayub, despite an apparent lack of conclusive evidence against them for acts and for offenses which do not qualify as ‘most serious crimes.’"
The U.N. officials concluded, "If the above allegations prove to be accurate, they would be in contravention of Mr. Shahazad Masih´s, Mr. Qaiser Ayub’s and Mr. Amoon Ayub’s rights to life, not to be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, not to be deprived arbitrarily of their liberty and to be afforded fair proceedings before an independent and impartial tribunal, to freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief, the right to express their opinion in a peaceful manner and the right to be equal before the law and are entitled to the equal protection of the law without any discrimination."
The Government of Pakistan responded earlier this year, and outlined how "Under Pakistan's Constitution, such matters fall within the judicial domain, and the Executive is constitutionally prohibited from intervening in individual cases."
The maker of miracles may no longer be God, but it does rhyme with him.
Anthropic, creator of Claude, filed its S-1 paperwork on Monday in preparation for a gargantuan initial public offering. The document runs over 300 pages and spans more than 240,000 words, some 50,000 more than the New Testament. It asks potential investors to prioritize mission over money: "Mission" appears 79 times, while "money" — the thing an S-1 is filed to generate, in this case, a bajillion dollars worth — a mere 17.
The company professes it could "bend the arc of geopolitical history toward freedom"; it could grow economies everywhere, including "the poorer parts of the world"; it could cure "diseases that have plagued humanity for millennia." Page 4 of the S-1 is not dissimilar from Jesus in Matthew 11: "The blind receive their sight, and the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, and the deaf hear, the dead are raised up, and the poor have the gospel preached to them."
Anthropic aims to "bring forth an age of miracles," it writes, and the investors who buy in should be true believers. Because in the wrong hands, as you'll see if you turn your missals to page 46, AI can be built in ways that pose "catastrophic or existential risks to humanity."
While S-1s are definitionally visions of the future and full of hype, most are drab financial documents, eye-popping for their prospective profits more than their prose. But Anthropic didn't just open up its book; it wrote its own Good Book, a Bible-like statement of good and evil that joins a growing canon of the company's sacred texts. If you were to stumble onto any random page of this S-1, you'd be forgiven for thinking you were reading not a perfunctory government filing but the scripture of a doomsday religion.
Anthropic has long dodged allegations of fomenting a new, questionable faith. Headlines and takes on Anthropic's cultishness abound: "The Cult of Anthropic" (The Information), "Anthropic is a Cult and Claude is rapidly becoming its God" (The New York Post), "Has a cult ever started a company as successful as Anthropic?" (Peter "Beware the Antichrist" Thiel). Critics point to the employees' extinction predictions — p(doom) is not too far from p(rapture) — and ties to the effective altruism movement. It doesn't help that Dario Amodei was reportedly a Y2K prepper in high school. Anthropic has welcomed the reputation in other ways, inviting religious leaders to oversee the construction of Claude's rules.
In its S-1, Anthropic asks investors to take an actual leap of faith.
Anthropic asks its employees to act for the "global good," be "helpful, honest, and harmless," and "hold light and shade." They shall have no other gods — as in, "put the mission first." And, just as followers must sublimate themselves to praise God, Anthropic employees must be "low-ego." The S-1 says it at least nine times.
To understand Anthropic, you'll need to understand 42 ornate terms. The S-1's glossary is sprawling, including neologisms for virtuous acts ("closing the loop") and evil deeds ("prompt injection"). Then there's "Constitutional AI," a type of large language model that is trained with goodness in mind. The SEC's "Plain English Handbook" implores companies to use "concrete, everyday words" and to avoid "relying on glossaries and defined terms." But can you truly be AGI-pilled if you don't speak of "interleaved thinking," "mechanistic interpretability," or "multi-agent orchestration"?
You use language like this because we need to be — and I say we as in society — true believers that this is going to work.James Bort
It's exceedingly hard to get a job at Anthropic, and not just because of the massive pool of cash-eyed engineers seeking IPO windfalls. The company has an intensive interview process, one it name-checks in the S-1. It looks for honesty, trust, and (you guessed it) a low ego. "We are willing to turn down candidates who don't demonstrate them, even if they are extremely strong technically," the S-1 reads. They must, in other words, be devotees through and through.
Accepted engineers become "Ants." Most tech companies have a name for their employees: Googlers, Metamates, Amazonians, Nvidians, Palantirians. Anthropic's moniker evokes the image of a collective, company as colony. In Proverbs 6:6, ants are considered diligent and prepared. Staffers may yell its teachings at their OpenAI foes: "Go to the ant, you sluggard; consider its ways and be wise!"
CEO Dario Amodei — Amodeity — leads the ants' march, along with his six apostles. These cofounders pull equal cash salaries and are "distinctly equipped to be stewards of our mission," the S-1 says. And, while the company opens itself to a broader group of believers through its forthcoming IPO, the divine cofounders will retain majority decision-making power.
Anthropic has its own form of tithing: The cofounders all made voluntary pledges of 80% of their personal equity to philanthropy. They incentivize their employees to do the same, promising to match donations.
Cult is an overused word, and many parts of Anthropic are far from cultish. Where cults are led by a liturgical leviathan that squashes the speech of their participants, Anthropic touts its culture of open dialogue. "Our teams operate in a truth-seeking environment where the best argument wins, not the loudest voice or the most senior title," the S-1 reads.
Americans' faith in the presidency, Congress, the Supreme Court, the military, the police, higher education, public education, news media, the medical system, and traditional organized religion are each at record- or near-record lows — and just as AI has brought on tremendous economic and social uncertainty. In that cauldron of doubt, tech founders — with their world-historic money, power, and ubiquity, and in their pursuit of it — sense an opportunity, to offer promise and purpose. As Sam Altman once said, "The most successful founders do not set out to create companies. They are on a mission to create something closer to a religion." They may also be trying to build devotion out of necessity, as the economy and stock market increasingly relies on AI gains.
"If these companies fail, what happens?" asked James Bort, an assistant professor of entrepreneurship at DePaul University, and coauthor of a recent research paper on "cultic startups." "You use language like this because we need to be — and I say we as in society — true believers that this is going to work."
Anthropic didn't respond to my request to know more about how it wrote the S-1. So, we asked Claude: If the S-1 is a confession of faith, what are you? I am its product, Claude said. "The word made flesh, or at least made weights."
Two Catholic bishops have expressed regret that they agreed to a White House meeting that produced a publicly distributed photo of them praying with President Donald Trump.
From deportations without due process to random and discriminatory detentions and searches, the Trump administration's immigration crackdown raised many constitutional concerns. Now, in a lawsuit advancing in federal court, 27 religious organizations say the administration's immigration policies violate another constitutionally protected activity: Americans' right to the free exercise of religion.
Last week, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the religious groups' lawsuit, docketed as Mennonite Church USA v. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), could continue. The lawsuit was brought against the federal government in February 2025, after the Trump administration overturned a longstanding policy that heavily restricted immigration raids around "sensitive sites," including churches, schools, hospitals, daycares, playgrounds, rehab facilities, funerals, and weddings. This policy was most recently outlined in a 2021 memo—dubbed the "Mayorkas Memo" for Alejandro Mayorkas, the DHS secretary at the time—but U.S. immigration enforcement first established the standard in 1993.
After repealing the Mayorkas Memo, the DHS issued a one-page document instructing officers to use "a healthy dose of common sense" when deciding whether to operate at previously protected sites.
Unsurprisingly, religious leaders are concerned about the sudden allowance of federal police into their sacred spaces. In their complaint, each of the 27 faith organizations suing the DHS describes how the risk of immigration enforcement impedes their religious exercise. The Church of the Brethren says a DHS enforcement action would "destroy all sense of peace and safety in what is supposed to be a place of sanctuary for congregants."
The Central Conference of American Rabbis writes that immigration enforcement against a synagogue would induce fears of "the persecution of Jews by government agents before and during the Holocaust."
"We have congregations which have reported members no longer feel comfortable attending services, members who are concerned for their safety, congregations which have had to add costly security measures," Carey McDonald, executive vice president of the Unitarian Universalist Association—one of the 27 plaintiffs—tells Reason.
The fear of police action driving down attendance isn't just a financial problem, McDonald says; it is fundamentally an attack on Unitarian Universalists' (U.U.) beliefs. "A core part of our theology and our practice is to welcome the stranger. To force us to choose between our long-held theological commitment[s] vs. trying to keep our people physically safe…this is a violation of our constitutionally protected rights."
The DHS repealing the Mayorkas Memo isn't the only way immigration police have infringed U.U. religious expression. In August, it was revealed that federal agents had been spying on churches in Minneapolis—even before January's protests against "Operation Metro Surge."
McDonald tells Reason that First Universalist Church of Minneapolis, which had hosted an anti-ICE event led by the Sunrise Movement in December 2025, was one of the targeted churches. "This is direct evidence from the government itself that it is seeking to interfere with our rights to practice our faith. We must assume that this is not an isolated incident."
Indeed, it isn't; the DHS has conducted arrests and surveillance on plenty of other churches across the country. In January 2025, a man in Georgia was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) during a church service. By August 2025, Religion News Servicerecorded "at least 10 instances of apparent immigration enforcement activity conducted by ICE or other federal agents on or immediately near church grounds since [President Donald] Trump's inauguration." In February of this year, CBS News reported that two men in New Jersey were taken away while they were "just about to head inside" a Pentecostal church for their Sunday worship.
Because of these tangible harms, the D.C. Circuit ruled that the 27 plaintiffs have standing, writing, "[the plaintiffs] are directly injured by the government's already-implemented policy of enforcing immigration laws at houses of worship, they likely have met the standard for showing 'imminent' harm," as outlined by the Supreme Court.
The case is now being sent back to the D.C. District Court, which will have to decide on all three of the plaintiffs' legal claims. Two of those claims are about religious freedom: One appeals to the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), which plaintiffs say must protect the congregations from DHS activity that "substantially burdens" their exercise of religion. The second argument says DHS enforcement violates the First Amendment's Free Exercise Clause, which protects religious expression and association. While judicial precedent clarifies that certain compelling state interests can override the clause, the plaintiffs argue there are less intrusive ways to achieve the state's interest in immigration enforcement. The third claim is more procedural, arguing that the department's sudden rescission of the Mayorkas Memo violated the Administrative Procedure Act by not sufficiently considering the impact on religious organizations.
The plaintiffs are first seeking an immediate injunction against all DHS activity around their houses of worship, but the proposed order submitted in 2025 would also re-implement the Mayorkas Memo while litigation is ongoing, overturning the Trump administration's rescission.
Mennonite Church v. DHS is one of four lawsuits challenging the rescission of the Mayorkas Memo by DHS. Two of those lawsuits have resulted in preliminary injunctions, while the third is still pending.
Desde o primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais, setores da esquerda brasileira têm intensificado suas críticas aos evangélicos, frequentemente apresentados como uma força reacionária responsável pelo avanço da direita no país. Essa interpretação oferece uma explicação conveniente para os fracassos eleitorais progressistas, mas demonstra uma compreensão bastante limitada da realidade social brasileira. O fenômeno evangélico possui raízes históricas, culturais e econômicas que não podem ser reduzidas ao bolsonarismo.
O primeiro erro consiste em tratar os evangélicos como um bloco político organizado. O universo protestante brasileiro reúne denominações históricas, igrejas pentecostais, organizações neopentecostais independentes e inúmeras comunidades locais, frequentemente marcadas por diferenças doutrinárias profundas. Não existe uma autoridade eclesiástica central capaz de coordenar esse conjunto, tampouco uma orientação política uniforme compartilhada por seus integrantes. Embora lideranças religiosas tenham desempenhado papel importante na mobilização eleitoral em favor de Jair Bolsonaro, seus posicionamentos não representam necessariamente as convicções de todos os fiéis.
Além disso, a expansão evangélica brasileira já apresenta sinais de desaceleração, segundo análises demográficas recentes. Isso demonstra que o fenômeno possui uma dinâmica própria, que não depende exclusivamente da conjuntura política. Muitos brasileiros encontram nas igrejas evangélicas redes de solidariedade, referências morais, assistência cotidiana e formas de organização comunitária. Parte desses fiéis mantém posições conservadoras em questões comportamentais, mas também são favoráveis a políticas sociais, à proteção dos trabalhadores e a pautas que não correspondem ao programa bolsonarista. No mesmo sentido, há seitas evangélicas com uma abordagem cultural mais liberal, como a Igreja Universal, onde o apoio ao aborto é permitido. No fim, é um fenômeno extremamente complexo e amplo, impossível de se reduzido a rótulos políticos simples.
Outro equívoco consiste em interpretar o evangelicalismo nacional como simples produto da influência estadunidense. A atuação de missionários estrangeiros e o financiamento internacional contribuíram para a expansão de determinadas denominações, especialmente ao longo do século XX. Entretanto, a realidade brasileira adquiriu características próprias. As igrejas adaptaram linguagens, práticas e formas de organização às condições culturais do país, desenvolvendo uma religiosidade popular marcada por intensa interação com o imaginário religioso nacional.
Em muitos contextos, elementos como a crença na intervenção direta do mundo espiritual, a busca por cura, a libertação de influências malignas e a participação coletiva em rituais de transformação pessoal encontram paralelos com práticas presentes em tradições afro-brasileiras e no catolicismo popular. Isso não significa que essas religiões sejam equivalentes, mas demonstra que o crescimento evangélico ocorreu dentro de uma sociedade profundamente marcada pelo sincretismo e pela reelaboração constante de suas tradições religiosas. Na prática, o evangelicalismo brasileiro é realmente uma expressão da espiritualidade popular do Brasil, não uma mera importação dos EUA.
A dimensão urbana desse processo também precisa ser considerada. Durante décadas, o crescimento das periferias e das grandes cidades brasileiras produziu demandas sociais que as instituições tradicionais tiveram dificuldade para atender. A Igreja Católica, apesar de sua importância histórica, não conseguiu manter em todos os territórios uma presença pastoral proporcional à velocidade da urbanização. Igrejas evangélicas ocuparam parte desse espaço, estabelecendo comunidades próximas dos moradores, oferecendo apoio cotidiano e criando vínculos sociais duradouros.
Essa presença é particularmente importante nas favelas, nos bairros periféricos e nos presídios. São ambientes nos quais as igrejas podem oferecer pertencimento, disciplina comunitária, assistência material e oportunidades de reconstrução da vida pessoal. Trata-se de uma realidade politicamente significativa, sobretudo porque muitos desses mesmos territórios constituem bases eleitorais tradicionais de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e do Partido dos Trabalhadores.
A aparente contradição revela os limites das categorias utilizadas por parte da esquerda. Um trabalhador pode votar em Lula por suas políticas econômicas e, simultaneamente, frequentar uma igreja conservadora. Outro pode apoiar programas sociais progressistas e rejeitar determinadas posições culturais da esquerda. As identidades políticas e religiosas não precisam coincidir integralmente.
O bolsonarismo conseguiu estabelecer alianças importantes com lideranças evangélicas, mobilizando símbolos religiosos e discursos morais em sua estratégia eleitoral. Isso não lhe confere propriedade sobre o fenômeno evangélico. Confundir essas duas realidades impede que a esquerda compreenda as necessidades, as aspirações e as contradições de milhões de brasileiros.
Para construir uma alternativa política duradoura, os progressistas precisam abandonar a tentação de classificar comunidades inteiras como inimigas ideológicas. O evangelicalismo brasileiro é plural, socialmente enraizado e culturalmente autônomo. Ignorar essa complexidade significa renunciar à compreensão de uma parcela decisiva da sociedade nacional.
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