It was her first appearance since the U.S. military deposed the country's then-President Nicolás Maduro, replacing him with an interim president who has exceeded the time she was authorized to serve, with no election scheduled.
Line up human and chimpanzee DNA and the first surprise is how little separates us. We share more than 96% of the sequences used to make proteins, the molecules that build and run a living body. And yet the human brain is roughly three times the size of a chimpanzee’s, and it does things a […]
Si ponemos los genes de una persona junto a los de un chimpancé, lo llamativo es lo poco que difieren. Compartimos más del 96% de las secuencias que sirven para fabricar proteínas, que son las piezas con las que se construye un organismo. Y aun así nuestro cerebro es unas tres veces mayor que el […]
He de reconocer que, hasta ahora, creía que la postura escorada de los gobiernos autonómicos en favor de los centros de datos se debía a la misma injusta mezcla que nos afecta a buena parte de los españoles: la falta de información por parte de las grandes corporaciones promotoras y la diseminación por estas de algunos datos confusos y sobredimensionados en empleo e inversión. La labor que he tratado de desempeñar estos últimos meses, como investigador predoctoral del CSIC y de la UC3M, ha sido precisamente tratar de poner la información a disposición de los vecinos y las administraciones afectadas por estas instalaciones. Es por ello que recibí con ilusión la invitación de Unidas por Extremadura para comparecer en la Comisión de Economía, Empleo y Transformación Digital de la Asamblea de Extremadura con el objeto de ofrecer un análisis científico de los beneficios y riesgos asociados a los proyectos de instalación de grandes centros de datos en esta tierra. La misma tierra que cultivaron mis abuelos y de la que emigraron con la intención de que sus nietos pudieran estudiar en las instituciones en las que a día de hoy trabajo.
Former vice president Kamala Harris landed in the state of Mississippi on Thursday at the start of a tour to help Democratic candidates in the final stretch of the midterm campaign. The series of campaign events, which began the previous day in Nevada and will continue in the coming days in Georgia, New Hampshire and Wisconsin, also serves as a thermometer for measuring the enthusiasm of potential voters for the notion of Harris running again for the party’s presidential nomination in 2028. That would be four years after her defeat by Donald Trump following a brief and disappointing 107-day surprise run for the White House.
Earlier this week, during a rally in Greenville, North Carolina, President Donald Trump admitted that Democrat Roy Cooper is “going to become your senator and it’s crazy.”
It was especially embarrassing for Cooper’s Republican opponent. As chair of the North Carolina GOP, Michael Whatley ingratiated himself with Trump to such an extent that Trump made him chair of the Republican National Committee. But Cooper, a popular former governor and attorney general, has consistently led Whatley in the polls. His current average lead is more than 10 points.
Just down the Atlantic coast, Georgia Republicans are also reeling in their Senate contest. Sen. Jon Ossoff, D-Ga., is running away with the race against Rep. Mike Collins, an ultra-MAGA conservative who has come under fire for his ties to his white nationalist influencer son-in-law.
The two Senate contests, though, are just portents of much bigger problems facing North Carolina and Georgia Republicans — two state parties hollowed out in the age of Trump.
Just over a decade ago, North Carolina Republicans were riding high. After the state voted for Barack Obama in 2008, Republicans, led in part by state House Speaker Thom Tillis, took control of both legislative chambers in 2010 for the first time since 1898. In 2012, voters elected Republican Gov. Pat McCrory with a veto-proof legislature. In 2014, Tillis defeated Democratic Sen. Kay Hagan.
Though McCrory narrowly lost the governorship in 2016 to Cooper, Trump won the state by nearly 4%. The state GOP largely maintained its grip in the years following until 2024, when Trump backed then-Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson as the party’s nominee for governor.
Democrat Josh Stein would win the race by almost 15 points against Robinson, who had a history of inflammatory remarks even as Trump won the state. Late in the race, CNN reported that Robinson “made a series of inflammatory comments on a pornography website’s message board more than a decade ago, in which he referred to himself as a ‘black NAZI!’ and expressed support for reinstating slavery.” Robinson denied writing the messages, but thanks to Stein’s margin of victory, Republicans lost the lieutenant governorship while Democrats held the attorney general’s race, their legislative supermajority and a seat on the state supreme court.
And Trump’s clash with Tillis forced the latter into retirement after they split over the Medicaid cuts in Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill. Tillis likely would have struggled in a midterm year. But Trump booting him and filling the state party with loyalists made matters worse.
The state GOP’s reversal of fortune is almost as bad in Georgia. The Republican takeover of Georgia began in 2002 when Roy Barnes lost to Sonny Perdue to become the first Republican governor of Georgia since Reconstruction. The state senate also flipped thanks to multiple party switches. In 2004, Republicans would win the state house.
Georgia has elected Republican governors, most recently Brian Kemp, ever since. Trump endorsed Kemp in 2018. But Trump turned against Kemp, who now enjoys a 70% approval rating, after he refused to help overturn the 2020 election results, when Joe Biden won the state. While Kemp easily won re-election in 2022 without Trump’s help, the latter’s endorsement of former football player Herschel Walker led to Democratic Sen. Raphael Warnock winning re-election.
And this year, the president boosted Collins over a Kemp-backed rival. Republicans in Georgia would likely be in trouble anyway this year, largely due to migration from other states, particularly from African Americans and suburban college-educated whites. But Trump has accelerated this trend propping up apparatchiks. Even those loyal soldiers have their limits. Look no further than Marjorie Taylor Greene, who represented a deep-red district, only to quit after a public falling out with the president.
In fact, the one Republican statewide candidate doing well in Georgia right now is Rick Jackson, the self-funded businessman who beat Trump’s preferred candidate for governor, Lt. Gov. Burt Jones. Jackson now leads most polls against former Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms. But if Bottoms somehow wins, she likely will also flip at least one chamber of the Legislature.
If Georgia and North Carolina’s state Republican parties want to see where Trump-driven hollowing out leads, they can look to Arizona. The home of Barry Goldwater, the 1964 Republican nominee for president, Arizona was long a bastion of conservatism. But it has been 10 years since a Republican last won a Senate seat, when Trump’s nemesis John McCain was re-elected to his final term.
Since then, Democrats have won every Senate race. In 2022, the same year Mark Kelly won a full term for McCain’s old seat, fellow Democrat Katie Hobbs narrowly won by beating election denier Kari Lake in the gubernatorial race. Lake had famously said McCain Republicans should “get the hell out,” but she would be joined in defeat by Trump-endorsed ideologues for secretary of state and attorney general.
While Trump, over the past decade, has displayed a remarkable ability to survive and win elections, his acolytes in these former GOP strongholds are losing down the ballot. These two phenomena are connected: Trump has turned the Republican Party that cares about electing like-minded individuals into a party meant to support him, and him alone. In doing so, it has lost its ability to save itself.
En noviembre del año 392, el emperador Teodosio I firmó una ley que prohibía todo rito pagano, incluidos los que se celebraban en privado. Con esa fecha en la cabeza resulta chocante lo que sostiene ahora el equipo del Museo Nacional de Historia de Bulgaria: que hasta mediados del siglo V se siguió venerando a […]
In November 392, the Roman emperor Theodosius I signed a law banning every pagan rite, including those performed in private. Against that date, the claim now coming from Bulgaria’s National Museum of History sounds startling: that people went on honoring the old gods until around the middle of the fifth century, in a temple built […]
Desde el mirador de la ermita de San Marcos parece la obra de un ejército de canteros: dos filas paralelas de piedra caliza, casi verticales, que bajan por una loma y se meten en el agua verde del embalse de Canelles. Entre ellas asoma una ermita medio derruida. Nadie levantó esos muros. Son los Roques […]
From the viewpoint at the chapel of San Marcos, it looks like the work of an army of stonemasons. Two lines of pale limestone, almost vertical, run down a hillside and disappear into the green water of the Canelles reservoir. A half-ruined chapel peeks out between them. Nobody built those walls. They are the Roques […]
What do you make of a young child who says they remember being someone else? A team at the University of Virginia has not tried to answer that. It has measured something more concrete: how much time passed between the death of the person the child “remembers” and the child’s own birth. The gap tends […]
Según la investigadora Saeedeh Sadeghi, muchos de los niños que dicen recordar una vida anterior describen una muerte traumática. Un nuevo análisis de la Universidad de Virginia ha medido algo más concreto: cuánto tiempo pasó entre la muerte de la persona «recordada» y el nacimiento del niño. El resultado es que ese intervalo tiende a […]
At the narrowest point of the Karmsundet, the channel that separates the island of Karmøy from the mainland on Norway’s west coast, five stones stand upright on a hillside. Some are more than five metres (16 ft) tall. They were raised inside a cairn, a mound of piled stones, laid out in the shape of […]
En el punto más estrecho del Karmsundet, el canal que separa la isla de Karmøy del continente en la costa occidental de Noruega, se alzan cinco piedras hincadas en vertical, algunas de más de cinco metros de altura. Se levantaron dentro de un túmulo de piedras con forma de estrella de tres brazos, y bajo […]
Cuando la Unión Soviética dominaba el ajedrez con una hegemonía aplastante, sólo un puñado de jugadores del resto del mundo eran capaces de competir con ellos por los primeros premios de cualquier torneo. Uno de ellos era el húngaro Lajos Portisch, cuyo perfil deportivo está muy ligado al número ocho. Disputó ocho veces el Torneo de Candidatos, fue octacampeón de su país y dedicó a su entrenamiento ocho horas diarias durante los treinta años que fue miembro de la élite.
Habían cruzado media Persia, atravesado montañas nevadas y peleado con pueblos que les tiraban piedras desde los riscos, y lo que estuvo a punto de acabar con ellos a pocos días del mar fue un panal. Ni una emboscada ni un ejército enemigo. Un puñado de colmenas, unos soldados hambrientos y una planta de flores […]
They had crossed most of Persia, climbed snowbound mountains and fought tribes that hurled stones at them from the cliffs. What left them most exposed, only a few days from the sea, was a honeycomb. There was no ambush and no enemy army, just a handful of beehives, some hungry soldiers and a flowering plant […]
For some Muslim countries, the boycott of Israel extends even to child athletes. This is particularly evident in chess, a sport rich in young prodigies. At the World Youth Chess Championships (U7–U17) in Roquetas de Mar, Spain, which covers age categories from under-7 to under-17, players from Syria, Lebanon and Algeria are required to forfeit if paired against an Israeli opponent. But not everyone complies. There have also been heartwarming displays of sportsmanship, especially in the under-7 category.
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