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Bolivia Prison Project: Santa Cruz Plans Alarming Bukele-Style Jail 2026
Bolivia prison project “La Tumba” would isolate high-risk inmates in Santa Cruz, inspired by El Salvador’s controversial CECOT model.
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Bolivia Prison Project Would Follow El Salvador’s Bukele Model
The Bolivia prison project announced by Santa Cruz Governor Juan Pablo Velasco would create a maximum-security facility in the Chaco region, inspired by El Salvador’s controversial Terrorism Confinement Center, known as CECOT.
Velasco said his administration is seeking international financing to build the prison, which would be named “La Tumba”—The Tomb.
The facility would be located in an isolated area of the Chaco cruceño, far from major urban centers, to ensure a strict confinement regime.
According to the governor, the prison would operate with permanent surveillance and severely restricted communication with the outside world. Inmates would be allowed to contact relatives only through authorized video calls.
Velasco presented the proposal as a response to organized crime networks that operate from inside Bolivia’s prisons.
“Prisons turned into offices for organized crime are over,” the governor said. “Dangerous criminals must be isolated from society, not running their businesses from a cell.”
He added that the project would respect rights but end what he described as criminal privileges inside detention centers.
The proposal takes direct inspiration from the CECOT prison built in El Salvador under President Nayib Bukele. That facility was created as part of Bukele’s hard-line security strategy against gangs and organized crime.
CECOT has become a symbol of Bukele’s security policy, but human rights organizations have raised serious concerns about due process, prison conditions and allegations of abuse.
The Santa Cruz governor did not provide details about the cost of the project, the source of financing, the construction timeline or the number of inmates the facility would hold.
The announcement comes amid growing pressure to address crime and violence in Bolivia’s prison system.
Santa Cruz is Bolivia’s most populous department and includes Palmasola, the country’s largest and most conflictive prison.
Bolivia Prison Project Seeks to Isolate High-Risk Inmates
Bolivia’s Defensoría del Pueblo | United Nations Human Rights Office
The Bolivia prison project is intended to separate inmates considered high-risk from the general prison population.
Velasco argues that the current system allows criminal organizations to continue operating from prison cells. He says the new facility would prevent leaders of criminal networks from directing illegal activities while in detention.
The governor’s proposal is part of a broader security agenda that includes efforts to strengthen police patrols and increase the number of officers on the streets.
The Santa Cruz governorate has also promoted a legislative route to return command authority over the police to the departmental government.
Currently, Bolivia has only one maximum-security prison: Chonchocoro, located in the highland department of La Paz.
Santa Cruz has four main detention centers administered by the General Directorate of the Penitentiary System.
The most important is Palmasola, an urban prison located within the city of Santa Cruz. It houses both men and women and is considered the country’s largest, most populated and most violent detention facility.
Palmasola has been the scene of serious episodes of violence between inmates in previous years.
The proposed prison in the Chaco would seek to decentralize the custody of high-risk detainees and reduce the risks created by locating large prisons near residential areas.
The project would also aim to prevent criminal groups from maintaining control over prison populations.
However, the proposal raises questions about the legal framework, the definition of “high-risk” inmates and the safeguards that would protect due process.
Human rights organizations have warned that maximum-security facilities can become sites of isolation, abuse and lack of transparency if they are not subject to independent monitoring.
The Defensoría del Pueblo has repeatedly warned that Bolivia’s prison system is facing a structural crisis.
The institution reported that the country’s prison population reached 33,058 people in 2025, nearly double the 17,305 inmates recorded in 2020.
The increase has intensified overcrowding, weakened security and reduced access to health services.
Bolivia’s prisons are currently operating at approximately 109 percent of their installed capacity, according to the Defensoría del Pueblo.
More than half of the prison population is being held under pretrial detention, meaning they have not received a final conviction.
The institution has warned that overcrowding, poor nutrition, limited medical care and inadequate security are creating a humanitarian crisis inside the country’s 46 detention centers.
The Defensoría has called for measures to reduce overcrowding, including judicial congestion programs, alternative sentences and legal reforms.
It has also urged the state to guarantee food, medical care and dignified conditions for all people deprived of liberty.
Bukele Model Raises Human Rights Concerns
Amnesty International—El Salvador | Human Rights Watch—El Salvador
The Bolivia prison project is inspired by a model that has generated significant controversy in El Salvador and across Latin America.
El Salvador’s CECOT was inaugurated in 2023 as part of President Nayib Bukele’s campaign against gangs. The facility was designed to hold up to 40,000 inmates.
The prison became the centerpiece of a state of exception declared in March 2022. That measure suspended several constitutional protections and expanded police powers to arrest and detain suspected gang members.
El Salvador’s government says the policy has drastically reduced gang violence and restored public security.
The administration argues that the state of exception was necessary to dismantle criminal organizations that had controlled neighborhoods, extorted businesses and committed violent crimes for decades.
Bukele remains highly popular among many Salvadorans who credit his government with improving safety and reducing gang activity.
However, human rights organizations have documented serious concerns about the policy.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have reported mass arbitrary detentions, lack of due process, mistreatment of detainees and restricted access to legal defense.
Rights groups have also raised concerns about prison conditions at CECOT, including overcrowding, prolonged isolation and limited contact with families and lawyers.
Reports by human rights organizations have alleged that detainees have faced beatings, sexual violence, denial of medical care and incommunicado detention.
The Salvadoran government has rejected those accusations and says its policies respect human rights while protecting citizens from criminal violence.
The debate over the Bukele model has become increasingly influential across Latin America. Several governments have expressed interest in adopting tougher security policies, including mass detention, military deployment and the construction of large prisons.
Supporters argue that the model responds to public demands for security in countries affected by organized crime, extortion and drug trafficking.
Critics warn that it can weaken democratic institutions, criminalize poverty and allow abuses to occur without accountability.
The Bolivia prison project will therefore be closely watched by human rights organizations, legal experts and regional governments.
The proposal could mark a significant shift in Bolivia’s approach to crime and incarceration.
Impulsamos una ruta legislativa para devolver al gobernador facultades de mando sobre la Policía, fortalecer los patrullajes y garantizar más efectivos en nuestras calles. pic.twitter.com/UXKDT0ip18
— Gobernación de Santa Cruz (@GobSantaCruz) October 21, 2026
Geopolitical Context
The Bolivia prison project reflects a broader regional debate over security, democracy and the limits of state power.
Latin American governments have faced growing pressure to respond to organized crime, drug trafficking, extortion and prison violence.
In several countries, public demand for security has strengthened political leaders who promise hard-line measures, including mass arrests, military deployment and the construction of maximum-security prisons.
El Salvador has become the most visible example of that approach. Bukele’s government has used the state of exception to detain tens of thousands of people and build large-scale detention facilities.
The model has gained influence across the region, but it has also raised concerns about the erosion of constitutional protections and judicial independence.
Bolivia’s proposal could place the country within that wider trend. Santa Cruz is a key economic and political region, and its governor has made security a central issue of his administration.
The project could also affect relations between the departmental government and Bolivia’s central authorities.
Prison administration, criminal justice and policing are areas that require coordination between national and subnational governments. Any new prison would need to comply with national law, budget rules and human rights obligations.
The proposal comes at a time when Bolivia’s prison system is already under severe strain. The Defensoría del Pueblo has warned that overcrowding and pretrial detention are weakening the rule of law.
A new maximum-security prison could reduce pressure on existing facilities, but it would not solve the underlying causes of prison overcrowding.
Experts say that reducing pretrial detention, improving judicial efficiency and addressing poverty and inequality are essential to creating a sustainable solution.
The Bolivia prison project will therefore test whether the country can strengthen security while preserving human rights and democratic institutions.
Ecuador Transfers Luisa González to Riobamba Prison
Ecuadorian opposition figure Luisa González faces pretrial detention over alleged money laundering in the Labyrinth case.
Ecuadorian opposition leader and former presidential candidate Luisa González was transferred to a prison in Riobamba on Friday night after a judge ordered her pretrial detention over alleged money laundering in the so-called Labyrinth case.
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A convoy of National Police and Armed Forces personnel arrived outside the detention center in Riobamba, in Chimborazo province, shortly after 9 p.m. local time on Oct. 23. Prison authorities had not officially confirmed González’s admission to the women’s facility at the time of the report.
The transfer began shortly after 4 p.m. from the Modelo barracks in Guayaquil, where González had been taken following her arrest Thursday in Canuto, Manabí province. Police transported her to an air base before she boarded a flight that landed at Latacunga airport in Cotopaxi province at 7:30 p.m.
Although initial reports indicated that González would be held at a prison in Cotopaxi or Quito, police ultimately arranged for her to travel by road to Riobamba in a heavily guarded convoy accompanied by patrol cars and tactical units.
Text Reads: 🛬 Luisa González, former presidential candidate for the Citizen Revolution (Revolución Ciudadana) movement, arrived at Cotopaxi Airport under the escort of military and police personnel, hours after a judge ordered her pretrial detention.
⚖️ This measure relates to alleged money laundering, as part of the “Laberinto” (Labyrinth) case. González was taken into custody early Thursday morning following a raid on her home in Chone, Manabí.
🏛️ The State Attorney General’s Office maintained its request for pretrial detention, which also applies to former assembly member Santiago Díaz and Wendy Onofre, secretary of the RETO movement.
📌 These judicial actions are part of a broader agenda of political persecution being carried out by the administration of Daniel Noboa against opposition figures and leaders.
The use of air transport for part of the journey was intended to reduce public-order risks amid tensions at several prisons across Ecuador. Interior Minister John Reimberg directly linked the unrest to reactions to González’s arrest.
González, the former leader of the Citizen Revolution movement, has rejected the allegations against her. The movement and her associates denounced the pretrial detention order as an act of lawfare and political persecution.
In a statement posted on social media, González reaffirmed her innocence and declared that she would remain in Ecuador to face the judicial proceedings.
Supporters gathered outside the Riobamba prison to hold a vigil, carrying flags and banners behind a security barrier erected by uniformed personnel. Patricia Núñez, a member of the National Assembly representing Chimborazo province, joined the gathering.
The court also ordered pretrial detention for former lawmaker Santiago D. and Wendy Onofre, secretary of the RETO movement, in connection with the same case. Onofre voluntarily surrendered in Guayas province and was admitted shortly after 8 p.m. to the Pichincha No. 3 detention center in Chillogallo, southern Quito.
Another defendant, Estefanía M., was granted alternative measures for the 90-day investigation period, including regular reporting to authorities, a ban on leaving the country and electronic monitoring.
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Orange Era
A quarter-century ago, after a deadly terrorist attack raised fiery explosions from the World Trade Center buildings, the US Department of Homeland Security introduced a color-coded advisory system, under which orange signified “High Risk of Terrorist Activities.” For many people, including Dushko Petrovich Córdova, “this ambient, lingering orange signaled that emergency was continuous, a new way of living.” Ours is a world of prison jumpsuits and Home Depot, leaders with an affinity for fake tans and “aptitude for the orange of perpetual crisis,” public health maps of infection rates painted various shades of orange to mark severity, a sky dyed orange by wildfire smoke. We are inundated by the color; it feels, at times, inescapable. Is it really? Follow Córdova to the brilliant end of this stunner.
Once, in the late ’90s, a few years before the dawn of the orange era, I found myself in Montreal for a friend’s wedding. There was a wildfire nearby, and I remember trying to capture the eerie effect of the atmosphere turning orange with the disposable cameras that had been handed out to all the guests. The resulting pictures looked underexposed and nothing more, the otherworldly orange haze rendered mostly regular gray.
So, decades later, in 2023, when photos of smoke from yet another Canadian wildfire began to appear on social media, I was surprised by how well digital photography had captured what had proved so elusive in the late disposable-camera era. The best civilian shot I saw was of the scenery through a window. The cool interior lighting framed the orangeness outside, in the same way that you might frame a sunset, except that instead of a bright band of orange light at the horizon, this orange was everywhere, pressing at all the edges of the window frame and probably trying to get in through the cracks. In another image I saw a gray cat sitting on a windowsill, apparently unperturbed by the wide expanse of horror just behind it.
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One dead after elderly men argue over a sunbed at Athens beach
A 82-year-old man was reportedly beaten to death by a 76-year-old man during a argument over a sunbed in a popular organized beach in Vouliagmeni in Athens Riviera on Sunday. According to initial information, the 76-year-old who was accompanied with a 21-year-old woman argued with the victim over the sunbed. Quickly the situation went out […]
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