Last Wednesday, October 28, the United Nations General Assembly voted (for the thirty-fourth time) in favor of ending the economic and commercial embargo – which many refer to as a blockade – that the United States has unilaterally imposed on Cuba for more than sixty years.
With 130 votes in favor, 17 against, and 25 abstentions, the international community once again demanded that the United States end an embargo that has caused unimaginable hardship for the Cuban people and has slowed the Caribbean nation’s development.
One of the countries that voted against the embargo was South Africa, whose ambassador emphasized his concern about the negative consequences the Cuban people are suffering as a result of Washington’s decisions. He also called for Cuba to be removed from the list of countries that allegedly sponsor terrorism, a designation that prevents many companies from doing business on the island.
In recent years, the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs has denounced that high-level US diplomats had pressured several of its partners to vote against such resolutions concerning the embargo on Cuba, under threat of serious consequences. The denunciation was repeated this year by Cuba’s top diplomat.
Despite these efforts, the overwhelming majority of countries once again called on the United States to end the embargo. Washington appeared to have successfully influenced only its closest allies (those fully aligned with its geopolitical ideology) to vote against it. Thus, among the countries that voted against the resolution are several signatories to “Shield of the Americas,” the new international military initiative led by Washington, to which several right-wing and far-right governments in Latin America have aligned themselves.
For its part, the UN news portal reported: “The Assembly expresses its concern that, after decades of votes and appeals, the measure remains in force and continues to negatively affect the Cuban population and Cuban nationals residing abroad, without the expectations of economic normalization having been met.”
According to Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez, Cuba’s annual losses are estimated at about 8 billion dollars. The total economic losses since the embargo began amount to the astronomical figure of 178 billion dollars, which is a huge sum considering the relatively small size of a country with a population of 10 million.
In this regard, the US economic and trade embargo – the longest-lasting in recent modern history – has been denounced by Cuban authorities as a perverse mechanism employed by Washington to boycott, almost from its inception, the Cuban Revolution, which proclaimed itself anti-imperialist and socialist.
Added to this prolonged damage are the recent energy restrictions that Washington has imposed on Cuba. Since early 2026, when Washington targeted Venezuela (Cuba’s main energy partner), the possibility of sending oil to Cuba has been cut off by a unilateral US order; the United States warned it would increase tariffs on any country that sends crude oil to Cuba. Only one Russian tanker managed to navigate the waters and reach Cuba – a resource appreciated by Cubans but one that ran out quite quickly.
The Caribbean nation depends almost entirely on petroleum for generating electricity, production, trade, and providing hospital care to its population. Added to this are the difficulties in distributing water and meeting other basic needs of the Cuban people, who are the true victims of a new strategy aimed at overthrowing the revolutionary government.
In this regard, the support of the international community – the vast majority of which has called for an end to the embargo, considering it a measure that undermines the sovereignty and self-determination of the Cuban people – provides a platform to remind the world of the situation Cuba is facing.
Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel said on X: “Today at the UN, the international community’s overwhelming support for Cuba was evident in its condemnation of the blockade and the US government’s policy of maximum pressure. Most of the speakers, some representing regional blocs, were clear in their condemnation.”
He added: “It is a despicable act on the part of the empire’s representatives to claim they are defending collective punishment – which exacts a high human cost – against the Cuban people, in violation of human rights. It is a futile effort. They are not convincing, and they achieve nothing except through gangster-like coercion.”
But the vote was not without controversy. During his address, the US representative to the UN, Mike Waltz, said that concentration camps existed in Cuba where “thousands of homosexuals, Christians, and Afro-Cubans” were allegedly detained.
In response to the statement, the Cuban delegation, visibly upset, began banging on the table and requested a “point of order.” When the Assembly president did not respond, Foreign Minister Rodríguez and the rest of the Cuban delegation approached the presiding officers and Waltz and demanded that he stop lying.
Following the protests, the Assembly president gave the floor to Rodríguez, who said that Waltz was “blatantly lying” and that his “attitude is disgraceful.” He further stated: “Mr. Waltz is lying again, and I wish him a better future in other roles, but at the United Nations and on the Security Council, his performance leaves much to be desired … He is undermining the dignity of the Cuban people and the Cuban government.”
VTM
Um homem, com cerca de 76 anos sofreu ferimentos ligeiros após um despiste de uma mota na zona de Pousada da Cumieira, no concelho de Santa Marta de Penaguião. O homem era o condutor da mota.
A informação foi avançada por António Guedes, comandante dos Bombeiros Voluntários de Santa Marta de Penaguião, que adiantou que, quando os bombeiros chegaram ao local, o homem estava um pouco confuso e com algumas dores.
A vítima apresentava apenas ferimentos ligeiros e não havia, segundo a informação disponibilizada pelo comandante, indicações de lesões mais graves.
Segundo os dados da Proteção Civil, o alerta foi dado às 15h25 e estiveram no local sete operacionais e dois meios terrestres.
As circunstâncias, em que ocorreu o despiste são desconhecidas.
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VTM
Michel Monteiro, presidente do conselho de administração, reconhece que os custos operacionais continuam a superar as receitas e que a redução dos abates dificulta a recuperação económica, obrigando os municípios de Mirandela e Vila Flor a continuar a financiar a atividade.
O Tribunal da Relação de Guimarães anulou a sentença do Tribunal de Bragança, que declarou a insolvência do matadouro industrial do Cachão. O tribunal considerou que, pela sua natureza intermunicipal, o matadouro não está sujeito ao regime comum de insolvência, devendo ser enquadrado na legislação específica do setor empresarial local.
O responsável considera que o acórdão de 15 de outubro era o desfecho expectável, tendo em conta a natureza intermunicipal da empresa. “O facto de termos esta independência, esta autonomia na gestão do matadouro, naturalmente, tranquiliza-nos”, afirma à VTM.
Apesar do alívio, Michel Monteiro sublinha que “os problemas mantêm-se na atualidade”. Os gastos operacionais, os fornecimentos externos e os custos comerciais continuam acima dos proveitos. “O núcleo central do negócio não é autossustentável”, admite, acrescentando que a atividade “continua a gerar valor negativo no seu dia a dia”.
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Durante o I Encontro de Jovens Agricultores, que decorreu em Macedo de Cavaleiros, o ministro afirmou que “abrimos, agora, mais um novo concurso com o objetivo de termos 200 novos agricultores, que terão um apoio disponível de 35 milhões de euros”.
Adiantou que esta linha terá “custos unitários e custos simplificados” e haverá “desburocratização”, nomeadamente no licenciamento dos recursos hídricos e na transmissão de explorações, sendo por isso, “muito mais rápido” o acesso ao apoio.
O governante deu exemplos de simplificação do processo, já que “existe a possibilidade de termos uma transmissão de uma exploração de uma forma mais simples e célere sem penalização da candidatura”.
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“It was worse than an earthquake,” says 21-year-old Greek man who survived the fatal collision of the two high speed trains in Spain. “The impact caught us while we were standing; we were traveling at 170 kilometers per hour, and we all fell onto one another,” Marios recalled speaking to Mega TV Live News magazine. […]
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Italy has accused Germany of contributing to the latest surge in European natural gas prices by delaying the replenishment of its underground storage facilities, reopening a debate about national energy policies and their consequences for the EU’s single market.
The dispute emerged on 29 October after the European benchmark gas price briefly exceeded €100 per megawatt hour the previous day, its highest level since December 2022.
Germany’s gas storage facilities were just 61.7 per cent full, compared with almost 91 per cent in Italy and an EU average of approximately 75 per cent.
The difference has become politically sensitive because European countries purchase gas in an interconnected market, meaning decisions taken by one major consumer can influence prices paid elsewhere.
Speaking at the Montel Italian Energy Day conference in Milan, Alessandro Noce, director general for energy markets and infrastructure at Italy’s Energy Ministry, criticised Germany’s approach to preparing for winter.
According to Reuters, Noce argued that Italy had spent €300 million securing additional gas reserves, only to face higher market prices as Germany attempted to replenish its comparatively depleted stocks.
He also questioned whether Germany had delayed purchases because of preparations to privatise energy companies involved in the storage process.
Germany’s Economy Ministry did not immediately respond to the criticism.
The German government’s approach has attracted particular attention because of its role in the operations of Uniper and Securing Energy for Europe (SEFE).
Both companies became important components of Germany’s energy-security arrangements following the disruption of Russian gas supplies in 2022.
Plans concerning their future ownership have coincided with renewed questions about how Berlin balances commercial considerations against the need to maintain strategic reserves.
At the Milan conference, an energy analyst suggested that preparations for privatisation had contributed to delays in storage purchases.
That assessment has not been established as the definitive explanation for Germany’s comparatively low reserves.
Nevertheless, the resulting political dispute demonstrates the difficulties of managing energy security through a system in which national governments retain considerable discretion while their purchasing decisions affect a common market.
Europe’s latest price increase has several causes extending beyond German storage policies.
Disruptions to liquefied natural gas shipments associated with the conflict involving Iran have constrained supplies from the Middle East.
At the same time, European countries entered the summer storage-refilling period with unusually low reserves following the previous winter.
The EU Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER) reported that underground gas storage was only 28 per cent full at the end of winter 2025–26.
By 21 October, that figure had risen to 75 per cent, still below historical levels.
In its latest gas-market monitoring report, ACER estimated that disruption linked to the Middle East conflict had added between €18 billion and €33 billion to Europe’s gas-import bill.
The agency also found that American liquefied natural gas accounted for roughly 30 per cent of EU gas supplies, reflecting Europe’s growing reliance on transatlantic energy imports.
Although this diversification has reduced dependence on Russian pipeline gas, it has also increased Europe’s exposure to international competition for LNG cargoes.
European buyers must compete with customers in Asia, particularly when colder weather or geopolitical disruptions increase demand.
The disagreement has implications for the European Union’s gas-storage framework.
Following the 2022 energy crisis, the EU introduced mandatory storage requirements intended to reduce the risk of supply shortages during winter.
The arrangements were subsequently extended until the end of 2027.
Under the revised rules, member states retain a 90 per cent storage-filling target but have greater flexibility over when and how it is achieved.
Countries may reach the target between 1 October and 1 December, rather than being bound to the previous 1 November deadline.
Further flexibility is available in difficult market conditions.
These provisions were designed partly to prevent governments from creating artificial demand peaks by purchasing gas simultaneously to meet rigid deadlines.
However, the present dispute suggests that delayed purchases can create another problem if several major consumers need additional supplies as winter approaches.
Germany’s current storage level does not, by itself, establish a breach of EU requirements. The applicable deadlines and permitted exemptions must also be considered.
The Italian government has meanwhile been seeking permission from the European Commission to use public funds to reduce energy costs for households and businesses.
Rome’s concerns reflect the economic consequences of sustained high gas prices, particularly for industries dependent on energy-intensive manufacturing.
Italy faces a general election expected in 2027, adding a domestic political dimension to the debate over energy subsidies.
Noce warned that prices could rise to between €150 and €180 per megawatt hour if January brings particularly cold weather.
Such an outcome remains a scenario rather than a forecast.
Energy markets will also be influenced by developments in the Middle East, LNG deliveries, industrial demand and winter temperatures.
Europe has expanded its LNG import infrastructure and diversified energy sources substantially since 2022.
However, the latest price increases demonstrate that greater import capacity does not necessarily insulate consumers from global supply disruptions.
The German–Italian dispute also exposes the limits of national energy planning within an integrated European market.
Germany’s storage policies affect its neighbours, just as decisions taken elsewhere influence the price German consumers pay.
The central question for Brussels is whether existing coordination arrangements provide sufficient incentives for governments to safeguard their own winter supplies without transferring additional costs to other member states.
With the heating season approaching, that issue is becoming an immediate economic concern rather than a theoretical dispute about European energy solidarity.
Dockworkers’ unions in 22 countries and regions are preparing coordinated strikes and demonstrations on Friday, 30 October, in an international campaign opposing the use of civilian ports to transport weapons and other military supplies to conflict zones.
The mobilisation involves more than 25 trade unions representing workers at 113 ports, according to organisers, with planned actions extending across Europe, North Africa, Asia and the Americas.
Major shipping centres expected to participate include Hamburg, Genoa, Le Havre, Valencia, Algeciras and Piraeus, alongside Morocco’s Tangier Med and India’s Nhava Sheva.
The scale of actual disruption remains uncertain.
Some unions have announced 24-hour stoppages, while others intend to organise shorter walkouts, demonstrations or symbolic protests.
Organisers have suggested that the action could affect more than 40 per cent of Mediterranean cargo traffic and freight worth over $2 billion.
However, these figures represent estimates of potential disruption rather than confirmed losses or cargo volumes that will necessarily be immobilised.
The initiative originated among dockworkers’ organisations in Italy, France, Greece, Spain’s Basque Country, Turkey and Morocco.
It subsequently attracted support from unions in northern Europe and several countries outside the Mediterranean region.
Among the participating organisations are Germany’s ver.di, France’s CGT Ports et Docks, Ireland’s SIPTU and Denmark’s 3F.
Indian maritime unions have also declared their support, citing the effects of armed conflict on commercial shipping and the safety of seafarers.
The campaign follows an international declaration agreed in Istanbul in May 2026, when dockworkers’ representatives called for ports to remain outside military supply operations.
The organisers argue that commercial transport infrastructure is increasingly being used to facilitate the movement of weapons and equipment to active conflict zones.
Their demands extend beyond any single war, although opposition to arms deliveries connected with the conflict involving Israel and the Palestinians has featured prominently in earlier industrial action.
Italy is expected to become one of the principal centres of Friday’s protests.
The Unione Sindacale di Base (USB) has called a nationwide general strike, with demonstrations planned in more than 40 cities.
Port workers are expected to participate in Genoa, Livorno, Trieste, Ravenna, Gioia Tauro and several other maritime centres.
Genoa has previously been associated with protests against the handling of military cargo, including shipments linked to Israel and American military facilities.
However, the port’s representatives have indicated that they expect only limited operational disruption from Friday’s action.
The distinction between planned participation and actual interruption of shipping is important.
Large ports operate through complex arrangements involving terminal operators, subcontractors, transport companies and different categories of employees.
Consequently, industrial action affecting one part of a port does not necessarily bring all commercial activity to a halt.
Greece is among the countries where the effects on passenger transport could be more immediate.
Dockworkers, engineers and seafarers’ unions have announced participation in the protests, with Greek ferry services expected to remain suspended for 24 hours.
At Piraeus, the country’s largest port, dockworkers have announced a three-hour stoppage.
Other Greek maritime unions intend to participate in longer strikes.
Disruption to ferry operations could affect travel between the Greek mainland and its islands, demonstrating how a campaign directed primarily against military cargo can also affect civilian transport.
The effects will depend on the precise participation of employees and the arrangements made by port and ferry operators.
The planned mobilisation draws attention to the relationship between military supply chains and civilian maritime infrastructure.
Commercial ports are essential to international trade, but they may also handle military vehicles, ammunition, equipment and other cargo connected with defence operations.
NATO members and other states depend on commercial transport networks for certain aspects of military logistics.
Military equipment may be transported aboard commercial vessels or through terminals that also process ordinary goods.
The use of such facilities is not inherently unlawful, and arms shipments may be authorised under national and international export-control arrangements.
Nevertheless, dockworkers’ organisations argue that employees should have a greater role in determining whether ports are used to facilitate military operations.
This creates potential tensions between industrial rights, contractual obligations, national security priorities and government decisions concerning defence exports.
The implications are particularly significant in Europe, where governments are expanding defence production and seeking to strengthen military supply chains.
Any sustained disruption to port logistics could complicate the movement of equipment and components, although the consequences of Friday’s planned action cannot yet be established.
The protest comes as European countries increase military spending and procurement in response to deteriorating security conditions.
According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Europe became the world’s largest arms-importing region over the 2021–2025 period.
The expansion of defence trade has increased the importance of transport infrastructure capable of handling military equipment.
It has also exposed disagreements over the political responsibilities of companies and workers involved in these supply chains.
For governments, the movement of defence equipment may form part of legitimate security commitments and international assistance programmes.
For participating unions, opposition to particular military shipments is presented as an extension of workers’ rights and their broader political objectives.
These competing positions are unlikely to be resolved through a single day of industrial action.
Friday’s mobilisation will provide an indication of how effectively unions can coordinate industrial action across different countries, legal systems and transport networks.
Its practical significance will depend on how many workers participate, which terminals suspend operations and whether shipping companies can maintain schedules through alternative arrangements.
The organisers have demonstrated their ability to coordinate protests across a geographically extensive network.
Whether that coordination translates into substantial disruption to international maritime trade remains to be seen.
For European governments and shipping operators, the immediate task will be to manage any interruption to commercial and passenger services.
The wider question is whether opposition to the use of civilian transport infrastructure for military logistics will become a recurring feature of industrial relations across Europe’s major ports.
International law could not be applied selectively and rules governing the seas could not be rewritten to serve the ambitions of individual states, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis stressed, speaking at a high-level debate of the Greek Presidency of the UN Security Council titled “Maintenance of international peace and security: Emerging technologies and maritime security.” Referring […]
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