Kushner threatens to sue, denying allegations that two slush funds were set up to influence his Middle East role

A new book containing incendiary claims about Jared Kushner’s financial dealings during Donald Trump’s first term has ignited a political and media firestorm.

The book by author Matthew Cole is called Princes and Thieves: Jared Kushner and Mohamed bin Zayed’s Secret Plot to Remake the Middle East and was released in the US this week. An excerpt was published by Vanity Fair last Thursday, and immediately drew a furious response from Kushner, who called its claims “completely insane”. The book contains numerous allegations about Kushner, whose father-in-law is Trump and who has served as one of his top diplomatic envoys in the Middle East – the most explosive of which are claims linking him to huge bank accounts allegedly funded by Gulf states.

Two community health workers trying to spread awareness of Ebola in the eastern Congo were attacked by a machete-wielding mob on Friday, further demonstrating the difficulty of controlling the deadly disease among hostile and suspicious rural residents as the total number of cases surpassed 10,000.

The post Ebola Workers in Congo Attacked by Machete Mob as Cases Pass 10,000 appeared first on Breitbart.

In a surprising development, Ethiopia has taken receipt of 12 Russian-made Su-35 multirole fighters, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed announced, adding a significant new capability to the Ethiopian Air Force. The agreement also calls for four batteries of Russia’s S-400 surface-to-air missile system, although their delivery schedule remains unclear.

Abiy said the fighters arrived a year ahead of schedule under an agreement with Moscow and thanked Russian President Vladimir Putin for facilitating the accelerated delivery. The financial terms of the deal, the aircraft’s basing locations, and whether additional fighters are included in the agreement have not been disclosed. The Ethiopian leader announced the development on his X account, also posting photos and a video showing himself and other Ethiopian and Russian officials alongside two of the jets. The location appears to have been the third Russia-Africa Summit, taking place in Moscow on October 28-29.

The acquisition comes as Ethiopia seeks to strengthen its military capabilities amid persistent domestic security challenges and tensions across the Horn of Africa.

The Su-35 is a heavily modernized derivative of the Soviet-era Su-27, known by NATO as the Flanker. It combines twin thrust-vectoring engines for a high degree of maneuverability, advanced radar and other sensors, and the ability to carry a range of air-to-air and air-to-surface weapons.

Its radar and long-range air-to-air missile capabilities, in particular, represent a notable improvement for Ethiopia’s ability to detect and engage hostile aircraft, while its multirole design allows it to perform a wide range of strike missions.

Ethiopia already operates Russian-designed Su-27 fighters, providing a considerable degree of familiarity with the Flanker family. The current fleet comprises around 10 (and perhaps as many as 15) secondhand Su-27s, including two-seaters, supplemented in 2024 by a pair of Su-30Ks. The latter were originally produced for India as interim equipment, and then ended up in storage in Belarus before being refurbished and delivered to Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Flankers saw action against Eritrean opposition in the 1990s, and there have also been a handful of non-combat attrition losses.

However, introducing the Su-35 will still require specialized pilot training, additional maintenance infrastructure, weapons integration, and a dependable supply of spare parts. The latter, in particular, is something that Moscow has not always been able to guarantee in practice.

The planned acquisition of four S-400 batteries could prove equally significant.

The S-400 is a mobile air-defense system designed to engage aircraft, cruise missiles, and certain ballistic missile threats.

If delivered, the systems would considerably strengthen Ethiopia’s ability to protect military installations, critical infrastructure, and other strategic sites against aerial attack.

Ethiopia occupies a strategically important position in the Horn of Africa, bordering Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, South Sudan, and Sudan. Its security environment includes various unresolved regional tensions, longstanding border disputes, and internal armed conflicts.

Ethiopia’s relationship with Eritrea remains particularly relevant given their history of war and continuing tensions. Relations with Egypt and Sudan are also shaped by disputes over the Nile.

Abiy has presented the acquisition as a means of deterring aggression and strengthening national sovereignty.

At the same time, the delivery reinforces Russia’s position as a supplier of advanced military equipment to African countries. Russian exports to the continent have included combat aircraft, helicopters, armored vehicles, and ground-based air-defense systems.

Su-35s, specifically, have previously been delivered to Algeria, a long-term recipient of Russian military equipment on the African continent, as you can read about here.

The Algerian jets are understood to have originated in a batch of Su-35s built for Egypt, which had ordered 24. However, the planned transfer to Egypt fell through, under the threat of U.S. sanctions and a teased offer of F-15s. In particular, Washington had said it would put sanctions on Cairo under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).

CAATSA includes provisions for sanctions against parties found to have knowingly engaged in significant transactions with Russia’s defense or intelligence sectors. Washington previously invoked the provision against China over its acquisition of Su-35 fighters and S-400-related equipment, although any action against Ethiopia would depend on a separate U.S. determination.

The Su-35s built for Egypt were repeatedly connected with a sale to Iran, but this also never materialized.

Potentially, the 12 jets for Ethiopia could also have been left over from the abandoned Egyptian deal.

For Moscow, the deal provides a prominent example of continued defense cooperation with an important country in the Horn of Africa. The transfer also comes amid broader efforts by Russia and African governments to deepen political, economic, and military ties.

The agreement’s cost and financing arrangements have not been made public, leaving questions about the long-term expense of operating the fighters and maintaining their supporting infrastructure.

The deal also needs to be seen in the context of Russia’s war in Ukraine.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and the subsequent international sanctions, have hampered efforts to secure sales for any kind of military equipment, other than to a handful of selected close allies, with little prospect that this will change any time soon. Amid those same sanctions, as well as Moscow’s increasing pariah status, any kind of export success will be very welcome for Moscow, even if it involves jets previously built for another customer.

At the same time, the ability of the Russian defense industry to provide in-service support for these jets, once they are delivered, is even more questionable than it was in the past. Since the invasion, Moscow’s need to prioritize its own forces, combined with Western sanctions restricting access to key components, has further complicated the situation. For Ethiopia, any disruption to parts deliveries or maintenance support could have an outsized impact on operational readiness, and this is compounded by the requirement of Russian industry to support Moscow’s own Su-35S jets, its primary fighter.

Ultimately, the acquisition represents a substantial reported addition to Ethiopia’s combat aircraft fleet. The planned S-400 systems could extend that modernization into ground-based air defense, and further influence the military balance in the Horn of Africa region.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

The post Ethiopia Gets 12 Russian Su-35 Fighters, Eyes S-400 Air Defenses appeared first on TWZ.

Serguéi Lavrov described Africa as a civilization in its own right and one of the pillars of an order that, in his view, is replacing five centuries of Western hegemony. Russia opens the third summit on Wednesday with 48 delegations and an offer to support the continent’s industrial and technological sovereignty, with the El Dabaa nuclear plant already under construction.

Serguéi Lavrov spent nearly an hour and a half on Tuesday with the heads of Africa’s leading media outlets, gathered in Moscow on the eve of the third Russia-Africa summit, and laid out how Russia sees the continent.

“We regard the African continent as a distinct civilization, one of the most important pillars of the multipolar world that is now, as an objective course of history, actively taking shape on the international stage, replacing the hegemony that Western countries have exercised for more than 500 years,” the Foreign Minister said.

RELATED: Russia-Africa Summit Opens in Moscow with 48 National Delegations

According to Lavrov, Russia wants to help strengthen the sovereignty of African states, the development of their industries and greater self-sufficiency in the economy, finance and technology. The summit agenda, on October 28 and 29, groups those goals into four areas, namely political and economic cooperation, security, science and technology, and cultural and humanitarian ties.

Nearly all the delegations from the 48 confirmed countries are already in Moscow, and 22 of them are led by heads of state. On the table are 33 documents, among them an agreement on cooperation in artificial intelligence, and the 2027-2029 joint action plan, which Vladimir Putin and Burundi’s Évariste Ndayishimiye, the current chair of the African Union, will adopt at Thursday’s plenary session. Putin also has 24 bilateral meetings scheduled, with the leaders of Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Mali and Libya, as well as Iran and Qatar, in a week when the Russian capital is also hosting the Gas Exporting Countries Forum.

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Una publicación compartida de teleSUR English (@telesurenglish)

From Sochi to Moscow

Seven years separate this gathering from the first one, held in Sochi in 2019, which closed with 92 agreements worth some $12.5 billion. The second brought together delegations from 48 countries in St. Petersburg in July 2023, and since then the Russian Foreign Ministry has created the Department of Partnership with Africa to follow up on what was signed, while intergovernmental commissions grew from four in 2023 to nine in 2025. In August, Ministry Spokeswoman Maria Zakharova announced that Moscow would bring to this summit a package of contracts on peaceful nuclear energy, independent payment systems, food security, digitalization and artificial intelligence.

Paul Kagame confirmed his attendance after several Western governments suspended part of their financial aid to Rwanda in 2025, and in Moscow he will sign the creation of a cooperation commission with a country he has already invited to build fertilizer plants. Ghana, whose parliament is processing a military-technical cooperation agreement with Russia, has an open tender for its first nuclear power plant, a 1,000-megawatt facility, in which Rosatom is competing with suppliers from China, South Korea, Canada and the United States.

Payments Outside the Dollar

Trade between Russia and Africa exceeded $27 billion in 2025, and Russia’s Ministry of Economic Development projects it will grow 1.5 to 2 times by 2030, to between $40.5 billion and $54 billion. That same year, China posted record trade of $348 billion with the continent, while the European Union traded more than €356 billion with Africa in 2024.

In 2023, oil, refined products, wheat and metals made up 90% of Russian exports to Africa, while Russia bought mainly fruit, cocoa and coffee. The balance leaves Russia with a surplus of more than $10 billion a year.

Settling that trade became harder when Russia’s exclusion from SWIFT in February 2022 cut off the usual channels of Russian banks. Moscow responded with its own payment network, in which the ruble already covers 84% of transactions with Africa, backed by the Russian financial messaging system, China’s CIPS, crypto assets and the A7 payment agent, which operates in Nigeria and Zimbabwe. For African importers the circuit still carries costs, since obtaining rubles requires a double conversion through dollars, exposes them to the volatility of that currency and leaves their banks open to Western secondary sanctions, which is why several banks on the continent refuse to process payments linked to Russia.

Egypt, which accounts for 30% of Russia’s trade with Africa, hosts the Russian Industrial Zone on the Suez Canal, agreed in 2018 for 50 years, which took its first step in July 2026 when Moscow selected the developer. An Egyptian government source estimates investment of up to $5 billion and completion in 2028, and goods made there with more than 30% local content will enter as Egyptian products the markets where Cairo has preferential agreements. Benedict Oramah, President of Afreximbank, the African Export-Import Bank, urged Russian companies to seize an open market in energy, mining, railways and health, and in June the bank signed contracts with four Russian manufacturers.

Uranium for Europe, Blackouts in Niger

On Egypt’s Mediterranean coast, at El Dabaa, Rosatom is building four 1,200-megawatt reactors that will supply 10% of the country’s electricity. A Russian state loan covers most of a cost set in 2017 at $28.75 billion, which other estimates put at $30 billion, and the first unit is due to come online between 2028 and 2029.

The Russian corporation, which is carrying out 27 of the 31 nuclear plant export projects underway worldwide, offers a complete package covering the reactor, fuel, waste management and staff training over a 40- to 60-year lifespan, to a continent where some 600 million people live without electricity. The International Energy Agency estimates that universal access requires $15 billion a year, six times what was committed in 2023 for sub-Saharan Africa.

Niger, the world’s eighth-largest uranium producer, supplied France’s power plants for more than five decades (France gets about 70% of its electricity from nuclear power) and in 2022 provided almost a quarter of the natural uranium delivered to European plants. Only 20% of its 25 million inhabitants have electricity, and in Arlit and Agadez, where the ore is mined, coverage is close to zero. French company Orano took 86.3% of all the uranium sold from the Somaïr mine since 1971, more than its 63.4% shareholding. General Abdourahamane Tiani’s government nationalized the mine and the power utility Nigelec in June 2025, and although a tribunal of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes ruled in Orano’s favor in September and barred the sale of the ore, some 1,000 tonnes of concentrate are waiting at Niamey airport. The French press reported a deal to sell them to Rosatom.

Niger’s Mines Minister, Ousmane Abarchi, brought to Moscow a proposal for two reactors totaling 2,000 megawatts. “Electricity must be accessible to everyone on this planet; it should not be a privilege,” he said, and his Russian counterpart for energy, Sergei Tsivilev, replied that Moscow wants to build a complete peaceful nuclear energy system in Niger, beyond mining.

A plant of that size takes ten to fifteen years from contract signing to the first unit in operation, and costs tens of billions of dollars. The Russian model, tested in Egypt and Bangladesh, rests on state loans repaid over decades, and analysts following the case note that in Niger the most visible collateral is the uranium itself.

In Namibia, the world’s third-largest uranium producer, Rosatom plans to invest $500 million in a mine set to start production in 2029. Rwanda signed a roadmap in June for small modular reactors, Ethiopia signed another in March for its first power plant and Nigeria resumed the design of two plants. South Africa, home to Koeberg, the continent’s only commercial nuclear plant, launched a tender for 2,500 megawatts in which Rosatom is competing with French, South Korean, Chinese and U.S. companies.

RELATED: Russia Bets on Global Majority in Africa Summit Build-Up

Sovereign Alliances in the Sahel

Rosoboron export has military-technical cooperation agreements with 46 African countries and has signed some 150 contracts worth more than $20 billion since 2023. Between 2020 and 2024, Russia was the continent’s leading supplier of heavy weapons, with 21% of imports, ahead of China and the United States, helped by a Soviet-era arsenal that still needs spare parts and by contracts free of political conditions. Even with the war in Ukraine, which cut its global arms exports by 64% between 2021 and 2025, Africa accounts for 30% of the state company’s order book.

Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger asked French troops to leave, formed the Confederation of Sahel States and opened their barracks to the Africa Corps, the force that replaced the Wagner Group under the direct command of Russia’s Defense Ministry. The “3+1” pact, signed in Niamey, extends cooperation to the economy and the central banks of the three countries, and Moscow plans to use the Togolese port of Lomé as a sea outlet for a landlocked region.

In July, during the second round of consultations with the Sahelian foreign ministers in Niamey, Lavrov spoke of building together “a fair multipolar world order” against “neocolonial practices.” Russia reopened its embassy in Niger this year, and Putin asked his Foreign Minister to invite the three presidents to the summit.

The alliance is fighting the jihadist coalition JNIM, which in September 2025 blockaded fuel supplies to Bamako and in April 2026 forced the Africa Corps out of Kidal. When Human Rights Watch attributed killings of civilians to Russian forces in July, Moscow and Bamako jointly rejected the accusation.

Lavrov announced in August a security memorandum with ECOWAS, the bloc the three Sahelian countries left in January 2025, and offered to mediate between the two; the regional organization has not yet confirmed the scope or the signing date.

Washington Tries the Russian Formula

The break with Niger cost the United States the withdrawal of 1,000 troops and a $110 million drone base in 2024, and Donald Trump brought a transactional approach. Massad Boulos, the presidential adviser for Africa, toured Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger in early 2026 and acknowledged past mistakes in the name of sovereignty, while Erik Prince, owner of a military contracting firm and an informal adviser to Trump, has been meeting with Madagascar’s junta since late 2025.

A U.S. company agreed in late 2025 with Mali’s state mining company to revive a gold deposit valued at $11 billion. In Madagascar, Washington is negotiating the $700 million Toliara project to extract titanium, zirconium and rare earths, along with a proposal for a military presence at the former naval base of Antsiranana. Colonel Michaël Randrianirina, who came to power after the overthrow of Andry Rajoelina, received Russian drones and instructors and U.S. envoys almost at the same time.

The Washington think tanks that call the Russian offer a “survival package” for military governments now note how their own government is adopting a similar scheme, with security in exchange for minerals.

From Classrooms to Fields

The places Russia funds for African students rose from 2,100 in 2021 to about 4,800 in 2026, and some 35,000 young people from the continent are now studying at Russian universities. The Association of African Universities opened an office in October at St. Petersburg Mining University, and Rwanda already has 24 graduates in nuclear fields working at its Atomic Energy Board and the country’s regulator.

Russia’s ambassador to Burkina Faso, Igor Martynov, pledged technology transfers in agronomy, fertilizers, irrigation, fisheries and animal vaccines. In Togo, which signed a military agreement with Russia in 2024 and keeps its security channels with the West open, the first intergovernmental commission closed on October 1 with a protocol, a memorandum on cultural heritage and plans for mechanization and fertilizer production from local phosphate.

Egypt is building its nuclear plant with Rosatom without distancing itself from Washington or the Gulf monarchies, South Africa defends its non-alignment and Ethiopia joined BRICS without breaking with its Western lenders. According to an analysis published within that bloc’s orbit, Russia is welcome in Africa wherever it offers what others do not.

This week’s 33 documents will add to the 92 from Sochi and those from St. Petersburg, and the 2027-2029 plan will have its first milestones at the Suez industrial zone in 2028 and, a year later, at the first unit of El Dabaa and the Namibian mine. With those projects, Moscow seeks to give concrete form to the idea of Africa as a pillar of the multipolar world that Lavrov laid out on Tuesday before the African media.

Incumbent could turn defeat into another term in office as rival parties erect confected barrier to unseating him

• Israel election results – live updates

• Full report: Coalition talks loom in Israel

• Analysis: Rise of Palestinian parties will redraw political landscape

Hours before the final results from Israel’s elections were in, several things were clear. Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-right coalition had lost its mandate, and the opposition had a firm majority.

But most of Israel’s Jewish opposition ruled out governing with Palestinian-led parties, in the course of a racist election campaign in which Netanyahu painted Palestinian citizens as an enemy inside the state.

President Vladimir Putin told African leaders on Wednesday that Russia was their best partner, accusing what he cast as a colonial West of still trying to exploit the continent’s resources and using debt to hold back development.

Putin was speaking at the third Russia-Africa Summit in Moscow, a two-day event attended by African leaders and government delegations from 48 countries, and will hold one-on-one talks with many of the 22 individual African leaders attending on issues such as trade, security, arms and grain.

The event, first held in 2019, is part of a concerted push for Russian political, economic and military influence on a continent where paramilitary fighters from Russia’s Africa Corps remain active.

Russian state media and cultural institutions are also trying to expand their footprint in Africa, and Russian state companies are trying to expand their interests in areas from mining to power generation.

Wooing African leaders and others from the Global South has also been part of Moscow’s strategy to counterbalance pressure on the world stage from the West over Russia’s war in Ukraine.

“Africa is increasingly asserting itself as one of the key players in the global economy and politics,” Putin said.

“However, the emergence of a multipolar world is, of course, no easy task; it faces resistance from countries that are not prepared to accept this reality: those who are accustomed to thinking in terms of their colonial past and to enriching themselves fabulously.”

Putin, whom Western critics accuse of trying to leverage Africa’s colonial past to Moscow’s benefit, did not name the countries he had in mind.

But he spoke of what he called “active attempts by Western countries” to drive Africans back into debt bondage and to force them to accept much-needed financial resources on predatory terms, which he said slowed their long-term development.

By contrast, Putin said Russia was ready to share its know-how, including digital know-how, and localise production rather than just buy raw materials, creating jobs and generating tax revenue.

Russian paramilitary forces have been accused by Western governments of propping up military juntas such as the one in Mali to try to shore up Moscow’s geopolitical influence and squeeze out former colonial powers such as France. Moscow rejects these assertions.

Burkina Faso’s prime minister, Rimtalba Jean Emmanuel Ouedraogo, said cooperation with Russia was transparent and ensured both parties’ interests, and that Moscow was not trying to erase African languages and cultures.

“This is completely different from what we had with imperialist France,” he told Russia’s state RT television channel.

Putin told the summit that Russia championed greater African influence in the IMF and World Bank, was ready to embark on joint transport and agricultural infrastructure projects and that Moscow stood ready to supply grain and fertiliser to more African countries.

Charges against him are unclear after return to Iran despite being sentenced last year for ‘propaganda activities’

An Iranian court has handed the award-winning film director Jafar Panahi a new prison sentence of five years and one month and ordered the seizure of all his assets.

The 66-year-old, who won the Palme d’Or at Cannes last year for It Was Just an Accident, was sentenced in absentia, his lawyer, Mostafa Nili, told the Iranian news outlet Emtedad. The court also imposed a two-year travel ban and barred him from using social media for two years, Nili said.

• I've sailed on many cruises and stopped at over 100 ports worldwide. There are a few I don't love.
• Richards Bay is only fun if you have an excursion booked, and Costa Maya is too touristy for me.
• The cruise crowds in Santorini, Greece, and Nassau, Bahamas, often leave me feeling overwhelmed.

I've taken more than 55 cruises and visited over 100 cruise ports all over the world.

Along the way, I've learned that some destinations are definitely worth exploring, while others can be unexpectedly disappointing.

As a destination-focused traveler, I rarely choose to stay on board when my ship is docked in port. Usually, I'm eager to disembark the ship, experience the local culture, and explore the area.

But after revisiting many of the same ports, I've also realized that certain destinations aren't always worth the hassle. While some offer beautiful beaches, historic landmarks, and bucket-list excursions, others can feel crowded, touristy, or difficult to navigate.

Although these ports can still be enjoyable with the right planning and expectations, I'm often happier staying on board to take advantage of the ship's amenities.

Here are five cruise ports where I'd rather stay on the ship than venture ashore.

Costa Maya, Mexico

Costa Maya is one of the few ports I'll almost always skip because it feels overly commercialized.

The entire terminal was built specifically for tourists and cruise passengers and is packed with souvenir shops, restaurants, swimming pools, wildlife encounters, a swim-up bar, and live entertainment.

Although many travelers enjoy this convenience, the port feels highly manufactured to me and resembles an outdoor shopping mall more than an authentic Mexican experience.

Additionally, I've found the isolated port doesn't have much to do nearby unless you've arranged transportation or booked an excursion.

However, Costa Maya can still be worthwhile with some planning. A short taxi ride away is Mahahual, which is a popular beach town with restaurants and beach clubs.

If you want to venture farther from the port, consider booking an excursion to the Mayan ruins for a cultural experience or snorkeling along the biodiverse Mesoamerican Barrier Reef.

Nassau, Bahamas

Nassau is another port where I'm very likely to stay on the ship.

In fact, I sailed to Nassau last year aboard Utopia of the Seas and skipped the port entirely. Instead, my husband and I stayed on board and enjoyed the ship's pools, restaurants, and activities without the usual crowds.

Although you can reach popular beaches and resorts from the port, the area outside the cruise terminal can feel overwhelming. Although the terminal's recent renovations have improved the port experience, persistent vendors still remain immediately outside the gated area.

And on especially busy days, six or so cruise ships can dock at once, which makes the port feel even more crowded.

However, Nassau can be a positive experience if you've got the right plans in place. For instance, I've used ResortPass to spend the day at nearby hotels and had a much better experience than just walking around the port.

You can also book excursions to nearby beaches, Blue Lagoon Island, or other resort properties for a more relaxing day.

Santorini, Greece

Santorini is undeniably beautiful, which makes it a bucket-list destination for many. Unfortunately, the island's popularity is also part of the problem.

With thousands of passengers regularly arriving from multiple cruise ships, visiting the small Greek island can be stressful.

Cruise ships anchor offshore in Santorini, so passengers will typically tender into the port below Fira. From there, visitors can take a cable car, climb hundreds of steps, or arrange another way to reach the top of the island.

With several ships often visiting the island at the same time, lines for the cable car can become quite long. Getting around Santorini can also be difficult because of its narrow roads, heavy traffic, and crowds filling the streets of popular villages such as Oia and Fira.

The island is absolutely worth visiting, but you should prepare for some logistical challenges and set realistic expectations. If you want to maximize your time in Santorini, I recommend booking an excursion in advance instead of exploring independently.

An organized tour can help you avoid long cable-car lines, simplify transportation, and ensure you return to the ship on time.

Richards Bay, South Africa

During a cruise around South Africa, our ship docked in Richards Bay, which is one of the most unusual cruise ports I've ever visited.

Although Richards Bay is an important industrial port and major coal-exporting hub, it isn't necessarily designed with cruise passengers in mind.

During my visit, we disembarked at a gravel parking lot with no passenger facilities. By the end of the day, our cruise ship was also covered in soot and dust, which was unlike anything I had experienced before!

Without a planned excursion, there isn't much to do near the port, and the industrial setting can feel disappointing. But for travelers interested in wildlife, Richards Bay can be a worthwhile gateway to nearby South African reserves.

Because I researched the area ahead of time, I booked a game-drive excursion to Hluhluwe—iMfolozi Park, which is about 90 minutes from the port.

Seeing elephants in the wild was an unforgettable experience, and one that I would have missed if I had just stayed near the ship.

Freeport, Grand Bahama Island

Finally, Freeport is another port I'm often tempted to skip.

The area around the cruise terminal is very industrial and unfortunately doesn't offer much within walking distance. Because of this, cruisers often need to arrange transportation or book an excursion to visit the island's main attractions.

I was disappointed by how rundown the port area felt, with very limited shopping and amenities. Not to mention, I found securing transportation from the terminal area to be confusing and expensive.

Although taxis are available, in my experience, many of them operate as shared vans with high prices. And arranging rides back to the ship from a remote beach can also be stressful.

If you want to make the most of your day in Freeport, it's best to prearrange transportation or book an excursion. Popular tours include beach getaways, snorkeling, glass-bottom boat tours, and animal encounters.

However, if I haven't booked a tour in Freeport, you'll find me on the ship instead.

Vladimir Putin has been silent on a request by Kenyan president William Ruto for Moscow to assist in the repatriation of Kenyan men recruited to fight for the Russian army in its war against Ukraine.

Ruto’s request was made ahead of a two day Russia-Africa summit which began in Moscow on Wednesday (28 October).

Nigerian and South African officials have also voiced concern about their own people being recruited.

In an open letter on Wednesday, Amnesty International urged African leaders to urge the Kremlin to “immediately end the coercive and deceptive recruitment of African nationals into Russia’s military forces to fight against Ukraine.”

“For African leaders to remain silent on this issue would be a profound disservice to the people of their countries,” states the letter.

“At a moment when many African governments are speaking up about the enduring legacy of colonialism, and the importance of sovereignty and African agency in international affairs, they must reject any practice that treats nationals of African countries as a commodity for other countries’ political and military objectives.”

The Kremlin has been publicly silent on the issue of African fighters being used in its army.

It briefed that 22 African heads of state would attend the two-day summit in Moscow, with 26 other African states sending foreign ministers and other diplomatic officials.

“The era when the fate of entire continents was determined by a narrow bloc of states is irrevocably gone,” said Putin in his opening speech at the summit.

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Two vehicles were set alight in the Spanish city of Ceuta in the early morning hours of Wednesday morning in what has become a recurring pattern of random violence following the mass illegal migrant invasion.

The post Ceuta: Two Vehicles Set Alight in Recurring Pattern of Post-Invasion Violence appeared first on Breitbart.

With nearly all votes counted, Netanyahu’s coalition government has lost its majority, but main opponents also fail to gain outright majority; marked gains by Palestinian parties

• Israel election – live updates

• Full report: Coalition talks loom in Israel

• Analysis: Rise of Palestinian parties will redraw political landscape

With almost all votes counted, Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition government has lost its majority, but his main opponents, an alliance of Jewish Israeli parties unofficially led by Gadi Eisenkot, have also failed to gain an outright majority.

Israeli media report that Netanyahu’s bloc is ahead, with projections he could take 53 seats under the current vote share, but this could change further. The projections put Gadi Eisenkot’s opposition bloc on 48 seats and the Palestinian parties on 19 seats. Sixty-one seats are needed to form a majority to govern in the Knesset.

The remainder of votes to be counted come from absentee ballots, according to Israeli media. We can expect absentee ballots to be counted on Wednesday night, with final results by Thursday.

The Palestinian Israeli parties have received a historically strong vote. The Joint List, a new ticket of several Arab-majority parties, triumphed with at least 12 seats, while Ra’am, the other Islamic party, won seven.

The key question is whether the Eisenkot-led “Change” bloc (consisting of the rightwinger Naftali Bennett’s Together party, the centre-left Yair Golan’s Democrats and the rightwing Yisrael Beiteinu party) will partner with Palestinian Israeli parties or if they will resort to a new election, or even working with Netanyahu.

Netanyahu took the stage at a post-election rally in Jerusalem just after 3am, telling his supporters that official results will show that “Likud is the largest party in Israel”. He told his supporters that the country must “establish a strong, rightwing national government” – adding that a government that relied on the support of Palestinian parties must not be formed.

Eisenkot told cheering supporters in Tel Aviv that the “Israeli public has voted against Netanyahu’s service as Israel’s prime minister … a worthy leader would have accepted the people’s non-confidence and announced today his retirement from politics”. In his speech, he also warned Netanyahu not to “use Israel’s security” for political ends, playing on fears that the prime minister could use this period of uncertainty to launch a new attack on Iran.

The Palestinian Israeli vote, which represents about 20% of the population, had long been seen as a decisive factor for who will be able to form government, and the high turnout of this election was driven by the community experiencing increased racism and discrimination under Netanyahu’s government.

This is the most voted-for election in Israel’s political history, with many Israelis flying back into the country to cast their vote, and nearly 80% of IDF soldiers voting.

Donald Trump said his endorsement had helped Netanyahu perform better than polling estimates.

President Vladimir Putin told African leaders on Wednesday that Russia was their best partner, accusing what he cast as a colonial West of still trying to exploit the continent’s resources and using debt to hold back development.

The Kremlin chief was speaking at the third Russia-Africa Summit in Moscow, a two-day event attended by African leaders and government delegations from 48 countries, during which he will hold one-on-one talks with many of the 22 individual African leaders attending on everything from trade to security, arms deals and grain supplies.

The event, first held in 2019, is part of a concerted push for Russian political, economic and military influence on a continent where paramilitary fighters from Russia’s Africa Corps remain active, as Russian state media and cultural institutions try to expand their footprint in Africa, and as Russian state companies try to expand their interests in everything from mining to power generation.

COUNTERBALANCING WESTERN POWERS

Wooing African leaders and others from the Global South has also been an important part of Moscow’s strategy to counterbalance pressure on the world stage from the West over Russia’s war in Ukraine.

“Africa is increasingly asserting itself as one of the key players in the global economy and politics. However, the emergence of a multipolar world is, of course, no easy task; it faces resistance from countries that are not prepared to accept this reality: those who are accustomed to thinking in terms of their colonial past and to enriching themselves fabulously,” Putin, whom Western critics regularly accuse of trying to leverage Africa’s colonial past to Moscow’s own benefit, told the summit.

He did not name the countries he had in mind, but went on to speak about what he called “active attempts by Western countries” to drive Africans back into debt bondage and to force them to accept much-needed financial resources on predatory terms, which he said slowed their long-term development.

RUSSIA READY TO SHARE

By contrast, Putin said Russia was ready to share its know-how, including digital know-how, and localise production rather than just buy raw materials.

“Our business does not engage in the predatory, neo-colonial exploitation of natural and human resources, but rather expands the processing of raw materials locally, thereby creating new jobs and generating tax revenue,” said Putin, whose paramilitary forces have been accused by Western governments of propping up military juntas like the one in Mali to try to shore up Moscow’s own geopolitical influence and squeeze out former colonial powers like France – claims Moscow rejects.

Putin told the summit that Russia championed greater African influence in the IMF and World Bank, was ready to embark on joint transport and agricultural infrastructure projects and that a record number of Africans – around 40,000 – were currently studying at Russian universities.

Moscow also stood ready to supply grain and fertiliser to more than the 40 African countries which currently get them, added Putin, saying Russia had supplied 13 million metric tones of agricultural products to Africa in the first nine months of this year alone.

Warnings of escalating clampdown on press freedom come after Cairo court convicts Attalah of managing an unlicensed website

Lina Attalah, a prominent Egyptian journalist and the editor-in-chief of the news outlet Mada Masr, has been released from detention by Egypt’s authorities and had her website ordered to be shut down by a court amid an intensifying crackdown on independent media in the country.

Attalah was taken briefly into custody after a Cairo court convicted her of managing an unlicensed website, prompting fresh international concerns over press freedom in Egypt.

Un simbolo, oltre che un animale al quale tutti coloro che fanno parte del Mara Elephant Project (MEP) si erano affezionati. L’elefante Fred è morto per cause naturali e con lui se ne va uno degli emblemi della lotta al bracconaggio per l’avorio in Kenya.

“Molti degli elefanti della sua generazione non sono sopravvissuti al bracconaggio abbastanza a lungo da raggiungere la sua età”, ha raccontato Claire Bolles, direttrice esecutiva di Mara Elephant Project USA, ad Africa Geographic. Secondo Bolles, Fred aveva circa 55 anni ed era uno degli esemplari più conosciuti del Maasai Mara.

A renderlo eccezionale non era soltanto la mole, ma soprattutto la dimensione delle zanne: le misurazioni effettuate negli anni fanno ritenere che ciascuna pesasse oltre 45 chili, anche se il dato ufficiale verrà confermato dopo l’esame post mortem del Kenya Wildlife Service. E oggi gli elefanti con zanne di queste dimensioni sono sempre più rari: secondo una stima di Africa Geographic, in tutto il continente resterebbero poco più di 85 super tusker, almeno 26 dei quali nell’Africa orientale.

Fred veniva seguito con un collare satellitare dal 2013, nell’ambito della collaborazione tra Mara Elephant Project, Kenya Wildlife Service e Wildlife Research and Training Institute. I dati raccolti attraverso i suoi spostamenti hanno contribuito a mettere a punto strategie di conservazione e protezione utilizzate anche per altri grandi elefanti del Kenya. Il Mara Elephant Project lo ha definito un vero emblema del Maasai Mara e un simbolo dei risultati ottenuti negli ultimi anni contro il bracconaggio. “Molti degli elefanti della generazione di Fred non sono arrivati alla vecchiaia. Quanto siamo stati fortunati che lui ci sia riuscito”, ha scritto l’organizzazione. Poi il saluto: “Ci mancherà, ma che vita straordinaria ha vissuto”.

L'articolo “Ci mancherà, ma che vita straordinaria ha vissuto”: è morto Fred, l’elefante simbolo del Maasai Mara e della lotta al bracconaggio proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.