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O envio de cidadãos colombianos para conflitos no exterior expõe a vulnerabilidade de antigos militares, a atuação de redes de recrutamento e a incapacidade das autoridades de oferecer respostas adequadas às famílias dos desaparecidos.
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A participação de colombianos na guerra entre Rússia e Ucrânia vem despertando crescente preocupação na sociedade do país. Reportagens da imprensa sul-americana relatam casos de homens que viajaram ao exterior após receberem propostas de trabalho, treinamento ou serviço militar. Em diversas situações, familiares afirmam que seus parentes desconheciam as condições reais do recrutamento ou perderam contato com eles pouco depois da chegada à zona de conflito.
O jornalista investigativo venezuelano David Fonseca se dedica à investigação desse fenômeno. Ele revela que o recrutamento de ibero-americanos para guerras estrangeiras envolve questões que ultrapassam a segurança individual dos combatentes: inclui a atuação de intermediários, a transparência dos contratos, a possível exploração de pessoas em situação vulnerável e a responsabilidade dos governos perante seus cidadãos. A documentação desse processo é fundamental para compreender quem organiza o recrutamento, quais promessas são oferecidas e como os interessados acabam incorporados às estruturas militares.
A Colômbia reúne condições particulares para a expansão desse mercado. Décadas de conflito armado produziram uma população numerosa de ex-militares, ex-policiais e veteranos familiarizados com o uso de armas e com operações de combate. Muitos possuem experiência profissional relevante, mas enfrentam dificuldades para encontrar emprego estável depois de deixar as instituições de segurança. Para aqueles que vivem em regiões economicamente desfavorecidas, uma oferta de remuneração elevada no exterior pode representar uma oportunidade difícil de recusar.
As redes de recrutamento exploram essas circunstâncias por meio de diferentes canais. Anúncios nas redes sociais, contatos pessoais e intermediários especializados podem apresentar o serviço como uma atividade de segurança privada, treinamento ou proteção de instalações. Em alguns casos, surgem denúncias de que as condições efetivas de trabalho foram ocultadas, que os contratos não foram devidamente explicados ou que os recrutados descobriram a natureza militar de suas obrigações somente depois de chegar ao destino. A atuação de intermediários e as denúncias de irregularidades tornam indispensável investigar cada caso individualmente.
As famílias enfrentam as consequências mais dolorosas dessa situação. Quando um combatente deixa de responder às mensagens, seus parentes passam a procurar informações junto às autoridades colombianas, às representações diplomáticas e às instituições dos países envolvidos. Fotografias são compartilhadas nas redes sociais, grupos de familiares são organizados e campanhas públicas tentam localizar desaparecidos. A ausência de informações verificáveis prolonga o sofrimento e dificulta decisões sobre assistência jurídica, repatriação e reconhecimento de mortes.
O problema também divide a opinião pública colombiana. Setores da esquerda e movimentos antimilitaristas denunciam a participação de cidadãos em guerras que consideram alheias aos interesses nacionais. Outros defendem a liberdade individual de quem decide servir no exterior. As famílias, por sua vez, concentram suas reivindicações na localização dos desaparecidos e na responsabilização de eventuais recrutadores fraudulentos. Organizações de defesa dos direitos humanos chamam a atenção para a possibilidade de tráfico de pessoas e exploração laboral quando o consentimento é obtido por meio de fraude ou de informações deliberadamente omitidas.
A dimensão internacional do fenômeno exige ainda maior cooperação entre os países envolvidos. A circulação de recrutadores, contratos e pagamentos por diferentes jurisdições dificulta a fiscalização e favorece a impunidade quando não há troca de informações entre as autoridades. A Colômbia precisa, portanto, combinar medidas preventivas internas com mecanismos de investigação e cooperação diplomática. E a única forma de fazer isso é buscando diálogo com os países interessados em bloquear o acesso de mercenários colombianos ao mercado da guerra privada – como a Rússia, que diariamente enfrenta colombianos no campo de batalha ucraniano.
O recrutamento de colombianos para guerras estrangeiras expõe tanto a vulnerabilidade dos combatentes quanto a incapacidade das autoridades de acompanhar adequadamente esse fenômeno. Enquanto redes de recrutamento continuarem a explorar a falta de oportunidades econômicas e a promessa de ganhos elevados, novos cidadãos estarão sujeitos à exploração, ao desaparecimento e à morte em conflitos dos quais pouco conhecem as consequências. Cabe ao Estado colombiano investigar essas redes, esclarecer o destino dos combatentes e prestar assistência às famílias afetadas. No longo prazo, porém, o combate ao mercenarismo também exige enfrentar as condições sociais e econômicas que levam tantos colombianos a enxergar a guerra no exterior como uma alternativa de sustento.
Flávio, un cascarón vacío, puede haber perdido unas elecciones. Sin embargo, la máquina infernal que lo respalda nunca se dará por vencida.
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No significa nada si no tiene ese ritmo brasileño. Lo que está en juego no podría ser más alto: es una cuestión de vida o muerte. Así que los brasileños salieron a las calles —y a las casillas electorales— y lograron salir adelante.
No hicieron nada menos que domar a la Madre de Todas las Guerras Híbridas y derrotar, aunque fuera momentáneamente, a una coalición poderosa y tóxica que incluía toda la fuerza de la administración de la «Doctrina Donroe»; el tecnofeudalismo de Silicon Valley, especialmente impulsado por Meta; Wall Street y la Diosa del Mercado; los múltiples tentáculos de Zionism Inc.; las viejas élites reaccionarias —y sus medios de comunicación—; las nuevas élites ostentosas; la demencia evangélica; y, por último, pero no menos importante, una mediocre dinastía neofascista empeñada en convertir a Brasil en una neocolonia extractivista en beneficio de «La Voz de Su Amo».
El efecto —tranquilizador— es similar al de un himno de bossa nova de Antônio Carlos Jobim cantado por Frank Sinatra.
Sí, Brasil es demasiado grande —y demasiado indómito— para ser el patio trasero de nadie. Y qué giro tan radical, en lo que respecta a Lula personalmente: la geopolítica no ha visto un regreso como este desde la Batalla de Stalingrado.
Perdimos: así que la elección estuvo «amañada»
El día de las elecciones amaneció en un clima de gran tensión —pero con Flávio Bolsonaro aún con un 82 % de posibilidades de ganar, según Polymarket, los favoritos de la DARPA. Es como si el Estado profundo supiera el resultado de antemano —tal como en la primera ronda de votación—.
Sin embargo, al final Lula ganó por 4.4 millones de votos. No sin mucho drama. Justo antes de que cerraran las urnas, un juez de la Corte Suprema —quien anteriormente había sido el abogado personal de Lula durante el caso de corrupción «Lava Jato»— extendió el horario de votación en todo el país por dos horas.
El tribunal electoral debería haber tomado una decisión al respecto. No lo hizo porque otro juez de la Corte Suprema —nombrado por Bolsonaro— estaba demorando el proceso.
La prórroga fue vital, porque para entonces ya se había demostrado que los alcaldes bolsonaristas estaban obstaculizando deliberadamente el transporte público, especialmente los autobuses, en bastiones de Lula como Salvador, en Bahía: una táctica sacada directamente del manual de sabotaje oligárquico, utilizada para suprimir el voto popular.
El dato clave es que ambas campañas habían solicitado una extensión del horario de votación. Y eso desmiente por completo las afirmaciones de los imbéciles bolsonaristas y vinculados al movimiento MAGA de que la elección estuvo «amañada».
Como era de esperarse, Flávio Bolsonaro se niega a reconocer la derrota y quiere que se anule la elección. Eso no sucederá —según el mismo juez designado por Bolsonaro que, para empezar, estaba dando largas al asunto—.
En la segunda vuelta, Lula aumentó su total de votos en más de 10.1 millones, mientras que Bolsonaro solo obtuvo 3.6 millones más. A eso se suma algo casi improbable: hubo más de 1.8 millones menos (cursiva mía) votos nulos y nulos en comparación con la primera vuelta —y la abrumadora mayoría fue para Lula.
Varias razones explican el desempeño del «niño del regreso» —o del «abuelo»—. Empezando por una movilización popular masiva: la abstención bajó del 21,08 % al 19,21 %. Casi 3 millones de personas más acudieron a las urnas.
Lula amplió sus márgenes donde era fuerte —en el noreste— y redujo sus pérdidas en el acaudalado sureste.
La campaña de Lula llevó a cabo una importante autocorrección: en lugar de enfocarse en el pasado —los resultados concretos de su gobierno—, comenzó a hablar de la cruda realidad actual: la economía familiar; los enormes niveles de endeudamiento; el costo de vida; los salarios; e incluso presentó propuestas concretas para los próximos cuatro años.
La campaña de movilización digital fue digna de atención, con un arma letal desatada en WhatsApp: el canal «El Ejército de Lula», que pasó de unos 50 000 seguidores a la impresionante cifra de 10 millones en menos de tres semanas: una infantería digital de facto. Brasil es una de las naciones más conectadas del planeta.
Encabezada por el recién elegido diputado André Janones, la campaña demostró cómo Lula venció al hegemón tecno-feudalista Meta en su propio terreno: la estrategia será estudiada en los anales de la ciencia política por generaciones.
Y luego está la asombrosa incompetencia de Flávio Bolsonaro: una mezcla letal de arrogancia e ignorancia que simplemente no se podía vender como una alternativa moderada.
Apenas dos días antes de la segunda vuelta, durante el último y crucial debate, Bolsonaro, en vivo, frente a toda la nación y a millones de votantes indecisos, llamó a Lula «el de los nueve dedos», burlándose de su discapacidad física.
Lula preparó la respuesta en tiempo real como una cobra. Recordó cómo perdió su dedo meñique a los 19 años en una prensa de metal, víctima de la precariedad y la falta de seguridad que sufren millones de trabajadores en Brasil: «Algo muy diferente a ti, Bolsonaro, que nunca has trabajado».
Eso lo selló todo: el dedo meñique perdido como el símbolo definitivo de la dignidad frente al privilegio.
Esto se va a poner muy feo
Gobernar Brasil será una tarea sisífica para el cuarto mandato de Lula. El Senado (81 escaños) está controlado por la extrema derecha (48 escaños): una mayoría absoluta. En el Congreso, la extrema derecha cuenta con 303 escaños (muy por encima de la mayoría, que es de 257), el centro tiene 86 escaños y la izquierda solo 124. Cualquier reforma, presupuesto o ley se enfrentará a un muro de hierro.
Podría decirse que la mejor definición de Lula la ofreció en su momento el difunto y gran El Comandante, Fidel Castro:
Nunca fue un extremista de izquierda, ni alcanzó el estatus de revolucionario desde posiciones filosóficas, sino desde las de un trabajador de origen muy humilde y fe cristiana, que trabajó duro creando plusvalía para otros.
Lula, ahora en sus ochenta, parece haber recuperado esa chispa. No hay duda de que sabe muy bien cómo esta derrota masiva para Trump, el MAGA y la Doctrina Monroe lo obligará a movilizar todas sus fuerzas: para organizar a Brasil mientras contiene la furia descontrolada del Imperio.
Sean cuales sean los resultados de las elecciones intermedias de EE. UU. la próxima semana, Trump inevitablemente intensificará las sanciones y/o los aranceles contra Brasil y seguirá haciendo todo lo posible y lanzando operaciones sucias para desestabilizar al país.
La CIA y el Estado profundo están profundamente enredados en la realidad brasileña y son capaces de desatar un sinfín de trucos sucios.
Lula lo sabe: esto se pondrá muy feo.
En resumen, se podría decir que Lula personifica un Brasil católico, tradicional, lusófono, mestizo y progresista.
Esto entra en un choque frontal con el eje reaccionario, evangélico, neopentecostal y sionista angloamericano. Después de todo, los neopentecostales defienden la lunática teología del Fin de los Tiempos que dio forma al sionismo cristiano angloamericano.
Flávio Bolsonaro —como todos los miembros del clan— prometió trasladar la embajada de Brasil a Jerusalén; desestimó al BRICS calificándolo de «altamente ideológico»; y atacó la relación de Lula con Irán (también miembro del BRICS).
Flávio, un cascarón vacío, puede haber perdido unas elecciones. Sin embargo, la máquina infernal que lo respalda nunca se dará por vencida.
Traducción: Observatorio de trabajador@s en lucha
A 24-year-old travel influencer was killed after a pickup truck carrying a group of travelers was swept away while crossing a river in Nicaragua.
French traveler Emma Marie Laurent was one of three women who died after the vehicle was caught in strong currents following heavy rainfall, according to news agency Jam Press.
The group was traveling through El Manzano, a community in the northwestern department of Chinandega, when they attempted to cross the Nahualapa River at around 1 a.m. on Oct. 9, the same source reported.
AMERICAN TOURIST FALLS 1,000 FEET TO HER DEATH WHILE CHASING PERFECT MOUNTAIN PHOTO
Recent rainfall had caused the river to rise, creating dangerous conditions before the vehicle attempted to cross.
The driver, identified as Mexican national Martin Gerardo García Girón, reportedly stepped out of the pickup to assess the water level before attempting the crossing, according to Jam Press.
The water reportedly came close to the driver's knees, but the current swept the pickup away and caused it to overturn.
The driver survived, though accounts have differed on whether other passengers also made it to safety, according to Jam Press.
Authorities were investigating the circumstances surrounding the crossing.
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Nicaraguan co-President Rosario Murillo offered condolences to the victims' families following the deaths.
"This is a tragedy," Murillo said, according to reports.
"We express our solidarity and our call to remain vigilant and, in the face of such tragedies, to express our full solidarity."
Murillo also warned about the dangers of crossing rivers during Nicaragua's rainy season.
"Rivers are deceptive; one thinks they are calm and, suddenly, the current comes, and we have tragedies like this that bring mourning to families," she said, according to Jam Press.
Laurent had developed an online following by sharing her travels around the world, including glimpses of life on the road from her van.
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She described herself as "your barefoot BFF" on Instagram, where she had nearly 43,000 followers at the time of her death, Jam Press reported.
Laurent appeared to have shared her final social media post on Oct. 2, uploading a video from a recent trip to Portugal.
In the post, she reflected on the importance of appreciating everyday moments.
"I think the most beautiful people, inside and out, are those who know how to admire the world around them," Laurent wrote in French.
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Following news of her death, social media users left messages of remembrance beneath the post.
"Gone far too soon," one person commented.
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"Condolences to the family," another user wrote.
Christa Pike, la única mujer en el corredor de la muerte de Tennessee, afirma que se está recuperando en la unidad médica de la prisión después de haber sobrevivido a dos dosis de la inyección letal el pasado 30 de septiembre.
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The race for artificial intelligence (AI), or superintelligence, will be won not just by technology companies, but by the nation that can deliver reliable, affordable and secure electricity. America is in a high-stakes sprint to lead the world in AI. This technology will reshape our economy, strengthen national defense, transform manufacturing and determine which nations lead the next generation of innovation.
But Washington and Silicon Valley cannot afford to ignore a glaring bottleneck: AI runs on electricity. America must dramatically expand its power generation and delivery infrastructure if it hopes to remain the global technology leader.
Data centers are the backbone of this revolution. They require enormous amounts of electricity, reliable grid connections and specialized infrastructure. Without sufficient power, advanced AI systems are little more than expensive hardware waiting for a connection. This creates an immense opportunity for America’s electric utilities. For too long, utilities have been viewed simply as service providers. Today, they are strategic partners in America’s economic competitiveness and national security.
THE AI REVOLUTION WILL GO WHEREVER THERE'S ELECTRICITY — AND CHINA KNOWS IT
To win the AI race, America must unleash domestic energy production, accelerate infrastructure development, defend against cyber threats and ensure that the private sector — not residential ratepayers — finances this expansion. This is a crucial opportunity for the administration, Congress, state governments and the private sector to coordinate an energy strategy that prioritizes American competitiveness.
Electric utilities possess the engineering expertise and operational experience necessary to support data center expansion. They understand regional demand, transmission constraints and the complex mechanics of grid reliability. However, building the necessary infrastructure takes time; new generation facilities, transmission lines and substations often require years of planning, permitting and construction.
FIRST DATA CENTER BILL CLEARS HOUSE AS BOTH PARTIES SCRAMBLE FOR ANSWERS ON AFFORDABILITY
Data center developers, meanwhile, want to move quickly to capitalize on the AI boom. To bridge this gap, utilities and developers must collaborate much earlier in the process, aligning construction schedules, forecasting demand and identifying necessary upfront investments. Washington can support this by streamlining permitting and reducing regulatory delays to provide long-term investment certainty.
Crucially, data center developers must bear their fair share of the infrastructure costs driven by their massive electricity demands. Residential customers and small businesses should not subsidize infrastructure built primarily to serve trillion-dollar technology companies. Long-term power purchase agreements, dedicated infrastructure investments and minimum billing commitments can ensure large customers contribute appropriately. This is an argument for responsible, pro-business growth where financial risks are not shifted onto ordinary Americans.
The White House’s Ratepayer Protection Pledge reinforces the principle that America can accelerate AI innovation without forcing ordinary Americans to subsidize Big Tech’s infrastructure demands. Electric utilities can benefit from increased electricity sales, long-term power contracts and investments in generation and grid infrastructure, provided data center developers pay their fair share of the costs.
DATA CENTERS COULD BE THE SLEEPER ISSUE OF THE 2026 MIDTERM ELECTIONS
To protect consumers, we must require transparent cost allocation, enforceable commitments from large data center customers and safeguards preventing residential ratepayers from being left with stranded infrastructure costs if projects are delayed, scaled back or abandoned.
America cannot achieve energy dominance if it cannot generate enough electricity to power its expanding economy. Meeting this challenge requires an "all-of-the-above" strategy that evaluates energy resources strictly based on reliability, affordability and availability.
Natural gas provides essential dispatchable generation, while nuclear energy offers dependable baseline power with low operational emissions. Hydroelectric power, wind, solar and battery storage all contribute where they make economic sense. Existing coal facilities also remain part of the equation where continued operation is economic and legally compliant.
No single technology can solve every regional power challenge. Utilities need the flexibility to select the optimal resource mix for their customers. The objective is straightforward: build enough reliable generation and transmission capacity to meet rising demand without spiking energy prices. This is vital as data centers increasingly compete for power with manufacturers, hospitals, military bases and households. Energy abundance is a national security imperative.
There is another critical threat that deserves far more attention: cybersecurity. The electric grid and digital infrastructure are deeply interconnected. Power disruptions halt essential computing services, while software incidents at technology providers can ripple back to affect critical infrastructure. Foreign adversaries and sophisticated cybercriminals understand these critical dependencies.
Electric utilities operate vital infrastructure that must withstand attacks against corporate networks, industrial control systems and substations. Concurrently, data centers face distinct risks involving cloud platforms, software supply chains and third-party vendor access. These are interconnected risks that could have significant national security consequences.
AN AI CYBERATTACK COULD TURN OFF AMERICA'S LIGHTS BEFORE WASHINGTON EVEN UNDERSTANDS WHY
Utilities and data center operators must establish joint incident response plans, conduct realistic multisector exercises and develop secure mechanisms for sharing threat intelligence. Organizations should strengthen network segmentation, multifactor authentication and vulnerability management. In particular, utilities must ensure that a compromise of ordinary corporate IT does not provide a path into operational technology controlling the grid. A stolen password should never become a gateway to disabling the power supply.
Supply-chain security deserves equal focus. Hardware, software and remote maintenance arrangements can introduce vulnerabilities into both utility operations and data center environments. Companies must rigorously assess critical vendors and establish clear protocols for addressing compromised components.
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While the federal government has an important role in providing actionable threat intelligence, cybersecurity must not become an excuse for expensive, rigid mandates. Security frameworks should remain risk-based, practical and focused on resilience.
The relationship between utilities and data centers should not be one-way. With the right investments, large computing facilities can help improve grid flexibility. Some AI training workloads can be shifted to off-peak hours, allowing operators to reduce consumption during periods of high demand.
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Furthermore, battery storage and appropriately designed onsite generation can provide grid stability during emergencies, turning data centers into strategic assets that strengthen, rather than strain, America's energy future.
The US Federal Communications Commission (FCC) floated new rules to bar telecoms providers on a list of entities deemed national security threats from directly accessing US phone numbers for VoIP calls, a move slammed by Chinese authorities as unreasonable suppression of its enterprises.
Should the rules be approved at an FCC meeting in November and subsequently introduced, the curbs are intended to block access to the numbers from companies on its Covered List. This includes divisions of China Mobile, China Unicom and China Telecom, alongside numerous vendors.
The proposal is part of an ambition by the agency to cut so-called illegal robocalls in the US and is being promoted by the authority as a national security measure.
In comments published by Chinese state news agency Xinhua today (30 October), the country’s foreign ministry representative Guo Jiakun slammed what was described as unreasonable suppression of the country’s enterprises.
He reportedly said the US had “overstretched the concept of national security and abused state power to unreasonably suppress Chinese companies”.
Guo argued such moves seriously impede normal economic and trade exchanges and “do not serve the interests of any party, including US companies and consumers”.
China plans to take measures to safeguard “legitimate rights and interests”, Guo said.
Defensive
FCC chair Brendan Carr unveiled the move on 28 October, saying it would strengthen the nation’s robocall defences.
The plan would require companies to obtain national security-focused certifications to access private numbers, with changes set to be made to US VoIP numbering authorisation rules.
“We are going to enhance the vetting process that all providers must go through before they obtain access to telephone numbers,” Carr said.
“This will make it substantially more difficult for bad actors to operate in our networks. This step is part of our broader effort to look at every portion of the lifecycle of a call and make it more difficult for illegal robocalls to get through.”
The proposal is the latest FCC move targeting enterprises on the Covered List, which is largely made-up of companies from China.
Companies in the crosshairs and authorities in China have repeatedly slated such measures.
The post China slates latest US proposal targeting operators appeared first on Mobile World Live.
Canadian operator Rogers broadened the reach of a direct-to-device (D2D) satellite service by striking roaming deals covering key nations in and around the Pacific Ocean.
Rogers Satellite users are gaining access when in Australia, New Zealand and Japan in a move which brings the total number of non-domestic nations accessible to four.
The company lit a roaming deal with T-Mobile US earlier this year.
Rogers Satellite offers messaging and access to apps including Facebook Messenger, X and WhatsApp. There are also mapping services from Google and AllTrails, with AccuWeather providing meteorological information.
“Canadians want to stay connected wherever their travels take them,” Rogers CTO Mark Kennedy said.
Customers on Rogers’ Ultimate plans along with some Roam Like Home and Travel Passes options can access its D2D service.
The operator’s roaming arrangement in Japan looks likely to be through KDDI, which tapped Rogers to provide roaming access for its D2D users earlier this year.
The post Rogers expands D2D roaming reach appeared first on Mobile World Live.
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