Nel Landtag della Sassonia-Anhalt in Germania si è verificato un passaggio politico fondamentale che potrebbe segnare una svolta duratura per l’intero panorama politico tedesco e che, forse, potrebbe insegnare qualcosa anche nel resto d’Europa
Con l’approvazione di una mozione presentata dal BSW insieme all’AfD – rispettivamente il partito della sinistra patriottica fondato da Sahra Wagenknecht e il partito nazionalista di destra accusato di “fascismo” – il parlamento regionale ha formalmente impegnato il governo del Land a farsi promotore nel Bundesrat di una netta svolta strategica: lo stop all’invio di armi al regime golpista di Kiev, la fine delle sanzioni economiche alla Russia e l’avvio immediato di trattative diplomatiche.
SPD, Verdi e CDU per la guerra, contro il buon senso
L’iniziativa ha scatenato la reazione indignata dei partiti tradizionali, soprattutto i socialdemocratici di SPD, i Verdi e i democristiani di CDU, pronti a denunciare la presunta violazione del cosiddetto “Brandmauer”, il cordone sanitario istituzionale eretto verso la destra giudicata “fascista”. Tuttavia, la linea argomentata dalla marxista Sahra Wagenknecht dimostra come questa scelta non rappresenti una provocazione, bensì un atto di responsabilità democratica e di pragmatismo politico. AfD avrà al suo interno anche degli estremisti di destra, ma è un partito di massa votato perlopiù dalla classe operaia, e pur di fermare l’entrata in guerra della Germania contro la Russia, BSW è disposta a tutto.
Le sanzioni anti-russe distruggono l’industria tedesca
Come evidenziato dalla leader del BSW, le decisioni di politica estera prese a Berlino non sono astrazioni teoriche, ma incidono direttamente sulla vita quotidiana dei cittadini e sulla tenuta del tessuto produttivo locale. La Sassonia-Anhalt ospita poli industriali di prim’ordine, come il distretto chimico di Leuna, oggi messi a dura prova dall’esplosione dei costi energetici e dall’interruzione dei rapporti commerciali con l’Est. Le sanzioni contro la Russia hanno già provocato molti fallimenti aziendali, ma non in Russia, bensì in Germania, mettendo a rischio migliaia di posti di lavoro qualificati. A ciò si aggiunge l’invio continuo di ingenti risorse, fra soldi e armi, in Ucraina, a fronte di dolorosi tagli alla sanità, alla scuola, alle pensioni e ai servizi sociali, che rendono i lavoratori tedeschi sempre più insofferenti.
L’anti-fascismo usato come scusa per giustificare la NATO e la guerra
In questo scenario, BSW rifiuta la logica difensiva dell’establishment borghese, appoggiato dalla sinistra egemone, tanto nella sua versione moderata di SPD quanto in quella liberal più massimalista della LINKE. Questi partiti insistono che il pericolo principale non è la guerra voluta dalla NATO, ma i “fascisti” di AfD, che occorre isolare, benché votati democraticamente, impedendo qualsiasi accordo o alleanza. L’analisi di Wagenknecht, retta dal metodo del materialismo dialettico tipicamente marxista, individua invece una profonda frattura nella società tedesca: da un lato il campo di chi intende conservare il potere (“Machterhaltendes Lager”), rappresentato dai partiti di governo e dai ceti più benestanti che difendono la linea dell’escalation militare agli ordini della NATO e dell’UE contro la Russia e domani contro la Cina; dall’altro il campo del dissenso (“Lager der Unzufriedenen”), formato da lavoratori, pensionati e famiglie schiacciate dall’inflazione e preoccupate dal pericolo di un coinvolgimento diretto dei loro figli nel conflitto attraverso il nuovo servizio militare obbligatorio, contro cui i liceali tedeschi continuano regolarmente a scioperare. Per troppo tempo la retorica del “Brandmauer” (il muro anti-fuoco che dovrebbe isolare AfD dal dibattito politico) è servita alle forze governative tedesche per squalificare il dissenso e isolare le proteste popolari sotto l’etichetta dell’estremismo. Per il BSW, il dovere prioritario di una forza politica d’opposizione è rispettare la volontà degli elettori, dialogare nell’alveo delle regole parlamentari e sfruttare ogni maggioranza utile per raggiungere obiettivi concreti: fermare la spirale bellica, proteggere l’industria nazionale e tutelare i redditi dei lavoratori. E per fare questo Wagenknecht vuole superare i veti incrociati e la politica dei blocchi: il BSW dimostra che la vera priorità deve tornare a essere la difesa della pace, della neutralità militare, del lavoro e della sovranità popolare.
La fase storica impone il coraggio di rompere gli schemi
Di fronte all’accusa di agire come gregari del “fascismo”, l’antifascista Wagenknecht risponde che la strategia del “Brandmauer” è fallita nei fatti e ha ottenuto l’effetto opposto, alimentando la rabbia popolare e rafforzando proprio l’AfD. Al contrario BSW vuole dialogare con tutte le forze parlamentari e sfruttare le maggioranze d’azione per mantenere le promesse elettorali (come la pace e la calmierazione dei prezzi). La Wagenknecht spiega che i partiti del sistema, siano essi di destra o di sinistra, usano la retorica dell’antifascismo solo per delegittimare il dissenso, sospendere le regole democratiche e conservare il potere nonostante politiche fallimentari. Questo atteggiamento, secondo la leader del BSW, banalizza in modo irresponsabile la reale tragedia della dittatura nazista. Wagenknecht sottolinea infatti come i diritti democratici fondamentali e la libertà di stampa siano stati compressi negli ultimi anni non dall’AfD, ma dai partiti liberali, democristiani e socialdemocratici al governo, gli stessi che inviano decine di miliardi di euro a un regime ucraino che ha messo al bando i partiti d’opposizione e tollera la glorificazione di collaboratori nazisti.
Basta guerra alla Russia: questa è la sola priorità oggi!
Rispetto alla tesi secondo cui negoziare con Mosca sia impossibile perché l’ultra-demonizzato Vladimir Putin rifiuterebbe il dialogo, Wagenknecht non concorda: il Cremlino si era mostrato disponibile a discutere, ma i tentativi di trattativa sono stati chiusi dalla leadership ucraina e dai governi europei spinti dalla NATO e dall’industria delle armi a continuare la guerra. La narrazione, poi, secondo cui l’invio continuo di armi porterebbe alla vittoria dell’Ucraina è una finzione a cui per BSW “non crede più nessuno” e anzi l’escalation bellica – comprese le incursioni su Mosca condotte con tecnologia e droni tedeschi – è una strategia che rasenta la follia, rischiando di trascinare direttamente la Germania in un conflitto nucleare. Su questo aspetto anche il Partito Comunista Tedesco (DKP) denuncia l’ipocrisia dei partiti di governo (SPD, Verdi, CDU), che sfruttano la retorica del “cordone sanitario” antifascista con la scusa di frenare l’estrema destra eversiva, quando il vero obbiettivo è delegittimare qualsiasi mozione pacifista, indipendentemente da chi la voti in aula, contro l’escalation della NATO e contro le sanzioni.
Articolo originale politicanuova.ch
Click to see full-size image. (Russian Ministry of Defense)
In the Zaporozhye direction Russian units are advancing west of Rozhdestvenskoye and Vozdvizhevka, have reached the approaches to Lyubitskoye and Barvinovka, and Omelnyk has come under Russian control. In the Krasny Liman direction heavy reciprocal fighting is under way on the Zherebets River: Russian fighters are holding back attacks by Ukrainian units, have pushed them closer to Katerinovka and Novomikhaylovka, and are holding positions near Ivanovka. In the Sumy direction assault units of the “North” grouping have advanced on several sectors, and artillery has engaged identified targets. In the Kharkiv direction Russian units continue offensive operations on almost all sectors; the “West” grouping has improved its position along the forward edge and taken control of Palamarevka and Kovalyovka. In the Kupyansk direction Russian units are operating near Moskovka, Malaya Shapkova and Palamarevka. The British newspaper The Times, in an editorial, has called on Volodymyr Zelensky to heed Donald Trump and halt attacks on Russian oil refineries.
Zaporozhye direction
An extensive “grey zone” remains in the vicinity of Rozhdestvenskoye and Vozdvizhevka. Further west Russian fighters are advancing on the approaches to Lyubitskoye and Barvinovka. Ukrainian units continue attempts to reach the Haichur River: shelters and strongpoints, under conditions of low troop density, allow groups of both sides to conduct deep raids.
Fierce fighting continues for Orekhov, into which the Ukrainian side has transferred fresh forces and is attempting to dislodge Russian units. Strikes on the central part of the town continue, including with the use of FAB-1500 bombs, which clearly indicates the presence of Ukrainian assault groups there.
In the area of Omelnyk Russian fighters have advanced significantly. The village has come under the control of Russian units, although footage with flags has so far appeared only from the eastern outskirts.
Evidence has emerged of the Ukrainian side cutting one of the routes into the town from the direction of Malaya Tokmachka, while through Novodanilovka assault groups continue to enter, sometimes even on vehicles which the Ukrainian side then attempts to burn.
Fierce fighting continues for Novoandreyevka; neither side has managed to establish full control over the village. Russian drones are operating along the northern outskirts. North of Shcherbakov the presence of Ukrainian units in the tree lines persists, which affects the possibilities for an offensive against the Orekhov fortified area from the west and a potential entry into Novopavlovka.
Krasny Liman direction
Heavy reciprocal fighting is under way on the direction. Russian fighters are holding back attacks by Ukrainian units on the Zherebets River, preventing them from crossing to the opposite bank. It has proved possible to push Ukrainian forces closer to Katerinovka and Novomikhaylovka. Russian troops continue to hold positions near Ivanovka, daily thwarting attempts by the Ukrainian side to enter this settlement.
Contrary to statements by Ukrainian units, Novolyubovka remains under Russian control. The Ukrainian side continues regularly to send infantry groups from Drobyshevo toward Stavki, from Novosyolovka toward Shandrigolovo and further toward Kolodezi. Work is being conducted in the eastern part of Krasny Liman and near Maslyakovka. Efforts to destroy Ukrainian units near Yampol and the Medovy railway platform continue.
Sumy direction
Heavy positional fighting continues on all sectors of the front in Sumy region. Assault units of the “North” grouping have advanced on several sectors, and artillery has effectively engaged identified targets. The Ukrainian side is attempting to infiltrate in small groups into the rear of Russian troops.
Russian aviation, artillery and drone crews have struck concentrations of personnel and equipment of Ukrainian units in the areas of Luzhki, Sukhodol, Sennoye, Yastrebinoye, Vakalovshchina, Korenok and Pustogorod.
In Sumy district Russian assault troops continue to advance near Khoten and Velikaya Rybitsa. In Shostka district fighters of the “North” have advanced in the direction of Korenok. In Krasnopolye district artillery of the “North” grouping has been actively working against the positions of Ukrainian units.
Kharkiv direction
In the Liptsy direction assault groups of the “Northerners” have advanced 100 meters in Tokarevka. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions assault units of the “North” grouping are conducting fierce fighting near Prikolotnoye. There are also advances near Ukrainskoye and Sosnovy Bor.
The “West” grouping has improved its position along the forward edge. Palamarevka and Kovalyovka have been taken under control. Units of the 6th Guards Combined Arms Army have advanced from the Kondrashevka–Radkovka line, forded the Kupyanka stream and reached the heights of the watershed of the Kupyanka, Gusinka and Veliky Burluk rivers west of Kupyansk. This makes it possible to control the Monachinovka–Shipovatoye and Monachinovka–Sredny Burluk roads, disrupting interaction between the Ukrainian defensive nodes north of Kupyansk and the Veliky Burluk sector.
In the Bolsheburluksky district the battle is intensifying. The Ukrainian side has concentrated a large grouping near Prikolotnoye and Maly Burluk. It is attempting to probe for weak points with short strikes between Blagodatnoye and Olkhovatka. Fighting on the approaches to Olkhovatka is very serious. The Ukrainian side is making every effort to dislodge Russian units from there and drive a wedge toward Varvarovka and Reznikovka.
Kupyansk direction
North-west of Kupyansk Russian units continue offensive operations. Reports are arriving of the capturing of Malaya Shapkova and control over Moskovka, yet the situation on this sector remains fluid, and a firmly established line of control is still difficult to determine. Fighting for positions continues near Palamarevka.
Near Kupyansk-Uzlovoy positional combat operations persist. The main activity is concentrated close to the railway infrastructure and on the approaches to this point. This maintains pressure on the northern flank of the town and on Ukrainian communications. In the Kupyansk direction pressure continues on the northern and north-western flanks of the town. Russian units are operating near Moskovka, Malaya Shapkova and Palamarevka, simultaneously creating a threat to Ukrainian communications in the area of the railway.
Conclusion
In the Zaporozhye direction the key elements remain pressure on Orekhov and the expansion of presence west of Vozdvizhevka, as well as the struggle for supply routes through Malaya Tokmachka and Novodanilovka. In the Krasny Liman direction Russian forces are holding the line along the Zherebets and preventing Ukrainian units from consolidating on the opposite bank. In the Sumy direction positional fighting continues, with attempts by small Ukrainian groups to infiltrate into the rear. In the Kharkiv direction Russian units are developing the offensive near Prikolotnoye and Olkhovatka, while the “West” grouping has improved its position west of Kupyansk. In the Kupyansk direction pressure on the northern flank of the town and the railway infrastructure is maintained.
The British newspaper The Times, in an editorial, has called on Volodymyr Zelensky to heed American leader Donald Trump and halt attacks on Russian oil refineries. “Zelensky might yet consider a temporary, if unwelcome to him, change of tactics and cease attacks on Russian energy facilities,” the publication states. In the view of the newspaper, this step could prevent a further deterioration of relations between Washington and Kyiv, which is “extremely important” for Ukraine.
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EU ministers have discussed how to make labour standards compatible with modern technological conditions and workplace culture, such as telework and AI-led staff oversight, without losing competitiveness.
The law in question, called the Quality Jobs Act, covers a wide range of work protection measures, such as common standards for being able to ‘go home’ and disconnect from remote work, and limits to AI role in recruitment or its scrutiny of workers’ performance.
Technological innovation should “benefit both workers and businesses,” said Portuguese labour minister Maria do Rosário Palma Ramalho, addressing the ministers’ council on Monday (19 October) in Luxembourg.
Human oversight is essential, especially where AI systems decide on recruitment or workers’ assessment, she said.
Next to innovation, labour rules needed to ensure “fair and transparent practices, respect for human workers’ rights … and effective social dialog,” said Roxana Mînzatu, the EU commissioner for employment.
“This revolutionary technology has to be regulated” so that it “delivers for all,” Isabelle Schömann, the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) deputy general secretary had also said during a conference organised by the centre-left S&D group in the European Parliament on 14 October, commenting on the need for the Quality Jobs Act to curb AI.
The draft Quality Jobs Act that the European Commission plans to present in December aims to update the long out of date 1989 and 1990 health and safety workplace rules.
It would also protect subcontractors and create standards for working in heatwaves, becoming more frequent with climate change.
EU legislators need to ensure minimum standards so that “neither jobs nor businesses are jeopardised” with extreme weather, Yolanda Díaz Pérez, the Spanish labour minister, said ahead of Monday’s debate.
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On the night of October 19, 2026, the Russian Armed Forces carried out a massive combined strike on military-industrial, energy, and transport infrastructure in Ukraine. According to Ukraine’s Air Force, the attack involved Iskander-M/S-400 ballistic missiles, Iskander-K cruise missiles, and 269 strike unmanned aerial vehicles, including jet-powered drones. The strikes affected targets in 11 regions and knocked out power to more than 500,000 households; the most serious consequences were recorded in Kyiv, Volyn Region, and Rivne Region.
Kyiv and Kyiv Region
Data Group data center (Kyiv) — a data-processing center that, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, was used for military infrastructure needs.
Fire Point logistics hub (Kyiv) — a facility that produced and stored components for long-range fixed-wing strike UAVs, as well as engines for FP-5 Flamingo ground-launched cruise missiles. The facility was part of Fire Point’s production chain.
OJSC Khimvolokno (Kyiv) — an industrial enterprise that produced components for the warheads of medium- and long-range unmanned aerial vehicles.
Kyiv locomotive depot — a transport facility where, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, FP-5 Flamingo cruise missiles and components for FP-9 ballistic missiles were stored.
Planeta Plastik plant (Irpin, Kyiv Region) — an enterprise that produced polymer materials for the military industry.
Kyiv transport infrastructure — on the aboveground section of the Red Line near Chernihivska station, rails and power cables were severed; Chernihivska and Lisova stations were closed.
Ukrainian media reported damage to the Cosmo Multimall shopping center and the Ekosoft facility in Irpin.
Volyn Region
Major rail junction on the route to Poland (Kovel)
Energy infrastructure — an electrical substation in Lutsk was attacked; after the overnight strikes, Kovel lost power, and large-scale outages also affected Turiisk and Liuboml.
Warehouse and production facilities in the village of Manevychi
Rivne Region
BADM warehouse (Rivne) — a 2,370-square-meter warehouse opened in 2012. BADM is one of Ukraine’s largest pharmaceutical distributors, supplying medicines to more than 18,000 pharmacies and medical institutions, including for the medical needs of the Ukrainian Armed Forces. According to Ukrainian media, the warehouse stored products from Sanofi, Pfizer, Novartis, Berlin-Chemie, Bayer, and Teva.
Energy infrastructure — power outages were reported after Geran drone strikes; Ukrainian monitoring channels reported a strike on the 330 kV substation in the Rivne area.
Other Regions
Zaporizhzhia — as a result of Geran drone strikes, part of the city’s right bank lost power.
Odesa Region — according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, a cargo vessel carrying military and dual-use goods was struck while underway at sea, 130 km southwest of the port of Odesa.
Lviv, Dnipropetrovsk, Kharkiv, Vinnytsia, Kirovohrad, Zhytomyr, Ternopil, Mykolaiv, Sumy, and Kherson Regions — explosions and power outages were reported; details on specific targets were not disclosed.
The October 19 attack was systemic in nature: Russian forces simultaneously targeted military-industrial facilities, missile and UAV storage sites, digital infrastructure, rail junctions, and power grids. According to available information, the main emphasis was on Kyiv and Kyiv Region, where, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, elements of the FP-5 Flamingo production chain and associated Fire Point infrastructure were hit, as well as on western regions through which electricity imports and logistics toward Poland pass.
The key consequence was the strike on the distribution network: according to Ukrainian authorities, 28 substations and other important energy facilities were hit, leaving more than 500,000 households without power. This reflects a shift in targeting from large power plants to transformer substations and transmission lines, whose damage is harder to compensate for quickly even when generation capacity is sufficient.
In the near term, further strikes on electricity transmission nodes in western regions, as well as on transport and warehouse infrastructure in Kyiv, are likely. The continued shortage of air-defense assets and disruptions in advance warning of ballistic-missile launches increase the risk that such combined attacks will continue at high intensity in the pre-winter period.
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Russia wants America and China to decide Ukraine’s future without Kyiv. Europe must challenge this dangerous return to diplomacy of the strong for the strong
Does Vladimir Putin know exactly how to play Donald Trump? The history of chummy phone calls, high-profile meetings and attempts to bring Russia in from the cold certainly suggests that Moscow’s thuggish ruler has a hold on this American president. If Mr Trump agrees to negotiate Ukraine’s future with Mr Putin and China’s Xi Jinping without Ukraine at the table, he will have handed the Russian leader a victory before talks begin. The message will be that strongmen are ruling the world and determining the fate of weaker nations.
Ukraine has the right to determine its future. That right cannot be waved away by a self-serving Russian proposal, however much it indulges Mr Trump’s belief that world affairs should be settled by powerful men. The scales are falling from European eyes. Trumpian America is raising doubts about whether it will help deter aggression or even honour its Nato commitments. If Washington now rewards Moscow and pressures Ukraine to accept a raw deal, it would be a betrayal. European governments would wonder where America might be in the future when their own security is threatened.
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© Photograph: José Luis Magaña/AP
© Photograph: José Luis Magaña/AP
© Photograph: José Luis Magaña/AP
Alex Tait on a proposed amendment to the representation of the people bill, and Dr Joseph Mullen on Russian interference in the Brexit referendum
Andy Burnham’s comments about Russian interference in Brexit (Report, 11 October) and the warning by the MI5 chief, Ken McCallum, against exaggerating its impact (Report, 13 October) risk overlooking another serious threat to electoral integrity: disinformation from our own political parties and campaigners.
Foreign interference deserves scrutiny, but misleading factual claims in electoral advertising are unregulated, unlike in commercial advertising. We have four sets of rules to ensure an advert for a packet of sausages is accurate, but none for the most important advertising of all – ads that influence how we vote.
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© Photograph: Tuomas A Lehtinen/Getty Images
© Photograph: Tuomas A Lehtinen/Getty Images
© Photograph: Tuomas A Lehtinen/Getty Images
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The post Military Situation In Ukraine On October 19, 2026 (Maps Update) appeared first on South Front.
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In the Slavyansk-Kramatorsk direction, Russian troops are fighting for Belozerskoye and expanding their control north of Alekseyevo-Druzhkovka. In the Liman sector, they are approaching the outer defensive ring of Krasny Liman — fighting is under way near Yampol, Zarechnoye and Maslyakovka. In the Kupyansk direction Russian units are developing the offensive north of Dvurechnaya, have cleared the territory from Figolyovka to Dolgenkoye and established control over a section of the supply highway, while inside Kupyansk they are advancing toward the centre of the town. In the Sumy direction assault groups of the “North” grouping maintain a high tempo, inflicting losses on three mechanised brigades and two territorial defence brigades of the AFU in the areas of Gnilitsa, Sennoye, Sukhodol and Pustogorod. In the Kharkiv direction, after the clearance of the “Volchansk cauldron,” the intensity of fighting is decreasing; Russian units are advancing south of Novaya Kazachya and in Tokarevka. In the Zaporozhye direction the greater part of Ternopolye has come under Russian control, fighting continues for Omelnyk, and the bridgehead on the western bank of the Verkhnyaya Tersa is being expanded.
Kupyansk direction
Inside Kupyansk itself clearance of scattered groups continues in the southern district of the town. The initiative remains with Russian units. Assault groups are advancing toward Osinovo.
On the Dvurechnaya sector Russian units continue to advance in a north-westerly direction, capturing new villages. Those who refuse to surrender are destroyed. Logistics are functioning without disruption. On the Velikaya Shapkova–Moskovka sectors, after unsuccessful attempts at counter-offensive actions near Monachinovka, the Ukrainian side has gone over to the defensive. Logistical routes have been tracked and destroyed.
Forces of the “West” grouping have established control over Palamarevka. The village is located seven kilometres from Kupyansk and four kilometres from Kondrashovka. Russian units also control Kovalyovka, which is two kilometres from Palamarevka. By advancing eastward from these villages toward Kondrashovka and Radkovka the “West” grouping can cut the highway and railway that run to Veliky Burluk. It is precisely along these transport arteries that the AFU grouping in Kupyansk is supplied.
Sumy direction
Assault units of the “North” grouping maintain a high tempo of advance in Sumy region and are expanding the zone of the offensive. The Ukrainian side has taken no active actions and is increasing the intensity of drone strikes against civilian objects in the border regions.
In Sumy region losses have been inflicted on units of three mechanised brigades of the AFU and two territorial defence brigades in the areas of Gnilitsa, Sennoye, Sukhodol and Pustogorod.
In Sumy district assault groups of Russian units are advancing near Khoten and Velikaya Rybitsa. Overall progress in a single day reached up to 300 metres. In Shostka district Russian assault troops have been expanding the zone of control around previously captured villages. In Krasnopolye district fighters of the “North” continue to advance through the tree lines near Turya.
Kharkiv direction
After the clearance of the “Volchansk cauldron” in the north-east of Kharkiv region the intensity of combat operations is gradually decreasing. Russian units continue to advance southward in the direction of Veliky Burluk. The Ukrainian side has taken no active actions.
The “West” grouping has improved its position along the forward edge and established control over Palamarevka and Kovalyovka. Russian troops have attacked the positions of two mechanised brigades and one assault brigade of the AFU in the areas of Andreyevka in Kharkiv region, Lozovoye and Karpovka.
In the Liptsy direction assault groups of the “Northerners” are advancing south of Novaya Kazachya and in Tokarevka. Overall progress reached up to 200 metres. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions units of the “North” grouping have been detecting and destroying scattered groups of the AFU hiding in the tree lines. Russian assault troops have advanced near Tikhiy Bor, Ukrainskoye and Maly Burluk.
Slavyansk-Kramatorsk direction
On the Konstantinovka sector Russian units continue to push forward from the area of Raiskoye toward Druzhkovka. The zone of control north of Alekseyevo-Druzhkovka, near Kurtovka, has been significantly expanded. The zone of control near the neighbouring Klinovoye has also been enlarged.
On the Seversk sector, above Nikolayevka, Ukrainian positions in Raigorodok, Starodubovka and Donetskoye have been hit. On the Krasny Liman direction fighting is under way near Yampol, Zarechnoye and Maslyakovka.
These are the south-eastern approaches to Krasny Liman and the eastern flank of the town itself. Russian units have reached the outer defensive ring and are simultaneously expanding the bridgehead in the south-east. The adjacent Seversk sector — Krivaya Luka and Kaleniki — covers the approaches to Seversk. Pressure is being applied on two directions at once.
Zaporozhye direction
In Ternopolye Ukrainian units have been seriously compressed and cut off from supply. The greater part of Ternopolye is already under the control of Russian units. Isolated groups still remain in the northern part, but movement is proceeding in the required direction. Next are Rozhdestvenskoye or Razdorovka.
In the Zaporozhye direction the Russian Ministry of Defence has reported the establishment of control over Malokaterinovka on the left bank of the Kakhovka Reservoir, approximately ten kilometres north-west of Stepnogorsk. Further east fighting continues for Omelnyk. Near Rovnoye and Kopani units are advancing along the western bank of the Verkhnyaya Tersa River. Successes are reported west of Novosoloshino, near Barvinovka and Vasilkovoye. Fierce clashes are under way near Voskresenka.
On the Gulyaypole section Russian troops are advancing near Vozdvizhevka. Units are consolidating on their positions. Ukrainian units are attempting to hold the approaches to Vozdvizhevka, while Russian troops are expanding their presence.
On the north-western sector units of the “East” grouping continue offensive operations west of Golubkovo, Samoylovka and Svetlaya Dolina, driving wedges into the AFU defence. West of Zarnitsa offensive operations continue and the bridgehead on the western bank of the Verkhnyaya Tersa River is being expanded. West of Rovnoye and Kopani the advance continues on the western bank of the Verkhnyaya Tersa. Assault units have seized Ukrainian strongpoints and are conducting fighting west of Nikolskoye.
Conclusion
In the Kupyansk direction this is expressed in the advance toward the centre of the town and the clearance of the territory north of Dvurechnaya, as well as in the cutting of the transport arteries leading to Veliky Burluk. In the Sumy direction it is expressed in strikes against units of mechanised brigades and territorial defence brigades and in the advance near Khoten, Velikaya Rybitsa and Turya. In the Kharkiv direction it is expressed in the completion of the clearance of the “Volchansk cauldron,” the reduction in the intensity of fighting and the advance in the direction of Veliky Burluk. In the Slavyansk direction it is expressed in the fighting for Belozerskoye, the outflanking of the town, the expansion of control north of Alekseyevo-Druzhkovka and the approach to the outer defensive ring of Krasny Liman. In the Zaporozhye direction it is expressed in the compression of Ternopolye, the establishment of control over Malokaterinovka, the fighting for Omelnyk and the expansion of the bridgehead on the western bank of the Verkhnyaya Tersa.
Separately worth noting is the statement by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who commented on Volodymyr Zelensky’s claims about problems with Starlink. “I don’t know what Zelensky said. I’m not sure he himself understands what he is talking about, but it was not intentional. We have nothing to do with it. No one on the part of the United States issued an order to slow down the speed of Starlink,” Rubio told journalists.
Earlier, adviser to the head of the Kyiv regime Serhiy Beskrestnov reported restrictions on the speed of Starlink for the AFU. This led to the disruption of some planned operations and complicated logistics. Businessman Elon Musk explained that the matter concerned the Starshield system, which is controlled by the American government. Shortly before this U.S. President Donald Trump accused Volodymyr Zelensky of sabotaging the peace process and ignoring requests to abandon attacks on Russian oil refineries. Media reported that Washington had threatened Kyiv with consequences. The head of the White House denied claims of involvement in the communication problems of the AFU.
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Social Security is racing towards insolvency because the program pays out more in benefits to retirees than it collects in taxes from working Americans.
Handing out even more generous benefits will make that situation worse. Yet that is exactly what the trustees who run Social Security are planning to do: Retirees will get a 3.6 percent cost-of-living adjustment (COLA) next year. That increase is 0.8 percentage points higher than last year's, and it is 0.9 percentage points higher than what Social Security was expecting to pay.
The Social Security trustees are doing what the law requires during a time of high inflation. That's why Congress ought to intervene here.
It should cancel the COLA.
No, this isn't a demand that lawmakers stick it to America's retirees. It's an appeal for some fiscal common sense. There are three good reasons to cancel this year's COLA.
First: Handing out higher benefits to wealthy retirees simply doesn't make sense when Social Security is trending towards insolvency.
As the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget notes, the announced COLA would be a $900 increase in benefits for the average retired household—but some retirees could receive as much as $3,600 more.
Paying generous benefits to wealthy households is the main reason Social Security is facing insolvency in the first place. A program originally intended to keep seniors from falling into poverty has become a huge wealth-transfer scheme that overwhelmingly benefits those who don't need the handouts. The COLA doubles down on this flaw.
Second: What about the workers who are paying for those lavish benefits? Wages have risen by 3 percent, on average, over the past year. Those pay increases have already been outpaced by inflation, which is up 3.7 percent in the past 12 months.
You'll often hear retirees talk about how they are living on a "fixed income," but the math simply doesn't bear this out. Social Security beneficiaries will get a COLA that is larger than the average pay increase for the workers who are funding the COLA. Retirees are protected from the impact of inflation while younger Americans must deal with inflation and finance that protection for the elderly. That's crazy.
Third: Cutting the COLA could kick-start a conversation about how to solve Social Security's looming insolvency. The Social Security trustees estimate that an across-the-board cut of about 22 percent will be necessary in 2032. Eliminating COLAs won't meaningfully change that arithmetic, but it would change the conversation—which has for too long been dominated by politicians promising seniors that nothing needs to change. That's wrong—and the sooner that becomes apparent, the better off the political system will be.
If eliminating the COLA is too radical a change, Congress should instead change how the trustees calculate the annual increase.
Currently, the COLA is based on one particular measure of inflation: the Consumer Price Index for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers, otherwise known as CPI-W. This is a relatively narrow index that reflects the spending habits of only about one-third of all Americans, as Romina Boccia points out in her newletter, The Debt Dispatch.
Instead, Boccia suggests using the Chained Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers, or C-CPI-U, which covers about 93 percent of all Americans and is generally regarded as a better measure of the rising cost of living. Other parts of the federal government already use C-CPI-U to update such things as tax brackets.
If Congress simply changed how Social Security's COLA was calculated, it could close 12 percent of the program's long-term shortfall. And while some retirees would see smaller COLAs as a result, the result would more closely match those increases to inflation.
Social Security's COLA reflects many of the fundamental flaws with America's old-age entitlement program. Like Social Security as a whole, it is too generous to the rich, too costly to the taxpayers, and too unfair to younger, poorer workers.
The post 3 Reasons To Cancel This Year's 3.6% Social Security Boost appeared first on Reason Magazine.
Recent media reports projecting South Korea’s per capita GDP to surpass Japan’s have generated considerable excitement across the regional countries that see Korea as a role model. According to the IMF’s October 2026 projections, South Korea’s nominal GDP per capita could reach approximately $49,000 in 2027, compared with Japan’s $37,000-38,000. Its achievements in semiconductors, advanced […]
The post South Korea: A growing national crisis and a strategic warning appeared first on Asia Times.
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