American officials have advised several governments in the Middle East to prepare for possible new military strikes against Iran after next week’s US midterm elections, raising the prospect of another escalation in a conflict that has already disrupted international energy markets.
According to an Associated Press investigation published on 29 October, two diplomats familiar with the warnings said US officials had urged regional allies to consider the possibility of Iranian retaliation against energy facilities and other critical infrastructure.
The diplomats emphasised that President Donald Trump had not made a final decision to resume military operations.
Nevertheless, Washington’s warnings suggest that preparations are being discussed for a potential campaign extending over several days.
Regional governments are concerned that retaliatory action by Iran or organisations aligned with Tehran could prolong the fighting beyond the duration initially envisaged by the United States.
The White House and American officials declined to comment on the reported communications.
The warnings come as Trump approaches the final days of campaigning ahead of the 3 November elections.
The president has repeatedly suggested that further military action against Iran could follow the vote, although he has also claimed that the conflict may be approaching its conclusion.
During a campaign appearance in Texas, Trump said the war could end within weeks, while reiterating his insistence that Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons.
The timing of possible military action remains uncertain.
The Pentagon has increased its regional military presence, including the deployment of the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt and additional amphibious forces.
Approximately 9,000 military personnel were associated with the deployment announced in September.
However, the movement of forces does not establish that an attack has been authorised or that particular targets have been selected.
American military preparations can also serve as deterrence, signalling and contingency planning.
The distinction is important because the political consequences of renewed strikes would depend on their scale, objectives and Iranian response.
Iran has indicated that it remains willing to pursue negotiations.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said on 28 October that Tehran was continuing to consider diplomatic proposals and wanted elements of its earlier ceasefire initiative to form the basis for renewed discussions.
That proposal had previously been rejected by Washington.
The continuing disagreement concerns both the conditions for ending military operations and wider questions about Iran’s nuclear programme.
The United Arab Emirates has urged the parties to seek political solutions and avoid returning to large-scale fighting.
Regional governments face a particularly difficult position because they may be exposed to retaliation even when they are not directly involved in American military operations.
Energy facilities, airports, ports and other infrastructure could become targets during an escalation.
Such attacks would also affect civilian populations and commercial activity beyond the immediate combatants.
The war involving Iran, the United States and Israel began in late February and has subsequently affected other parts of the Middle East.
Iran-aligned Houthi forces have carried out attacks on Saudi oil infrastructure and airports, prompting retaliatory operations by a Saudi-led coalition against targets in Yemen.
These developments have complicated attempts to contain the conflict geographically.
The United States has not conducted a strike against Iran since early September, according to the reporting available on 29 October.
However, the absence of recent American attacks has not removed the risk of renewed operations.
Regional governments are therefore considering a range of possible developments, including limited strikes, a longer military campaign or retaliatory attacks preceding any American operation.
None of these scenarios should be treated as inevitable.
For the European Union, a renewed confrontation would have implications extending well beyond diplomatic relations with Washington.
The Middle East remains a major source of global oil and liquefied natural gas supplies.
The Strait of Hormuz is particularly important to international energy shipping, connecting producers in the Persian Gulf with markets in Europe and Asia.
An increase in attacks on shipping, production facilities or export terminals could place further pressure on global energy prices.
The consequences would not necessarily be confined to countries purchasing oil or gas directly from the region.
European consumers compete in internationally connected markets, meaning supply disruptions can influence prices even where import arrangements have been diversified.
The EU has substantially reduced its dependence on Russian pipeline gas since 2022, but growing reliance on liquefied natural gas creates exposure to fluctuations in international supply and demand.
A further Middle Eastern escalation could therefore complicate Europe’s efforts to rebuild gas reserves and contain industrial energy costs before winter.
Higher fuel prices would also affect transport, food production and household expenditure.
European governments must balance several interests.
They support efforts to prevent nuclear proliferation, maintain relations with the United States and preserve stability in the Middle East.
At the same time, they have a direct economic interest in avoiding prolonged disruption to maritime trade and energy production.
A new American military campaign could revive debates concerning the legality, necessity and proportionality of military action, particularly if diplomatic alternatives remain available.
European governments may also face decisions about the protection of their nationals, regional diplomatic missions and commercial shipping.
The immediate significance of Washington’s warnings lies in the possibility of renewed hostilities, not in confirmation that such hostilities have been ordered.
With the American elections approaching, governments across the Middle East and Europe are preparing for developments that remain contingent on decisions in Washington and Tehran.
Whether the warnings lead to military action or renewed diplomacy will determine the next phase of a conflict whose economic effects are already being felt far beyond the region.
Nuevo capítulo en la agria batalla entre Olivier Martinez y Halle Berry por la custodia de su hijo Maceo. Este jueves, 29 de octubre, el exmatrimonio de actores se ha visto las caras en los juzgados de Los Ángeles para retomar el caso legal por el que ambos se disputan la potestad del adolescente, de 13 años. Y ambos han salido vencedores, o perdedores, según quién cuente la historia.
The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) will let pharmacies produce and sell treatments involving six peptides that aren't specifically approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). The move is meant to provide a "controlled alternative" to buying peptides from possibly sketchy foreign pharmacies, HHS said.
Under the new HHS policy, the agency will not "take enforcement action against a State-licensed pharmacy, Federal facility, or licensed physician compounding a drug product" using one of six named "peptide bulk drug substance[s]."
This is a major win for peptide proponents, compounding pharmacies, and health freedom—and hints that HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. may be feeling frustration with the slow pace of things at the FDA.
The six peptides in question—BPC-157, Epitalon, KPV, MOTS-c, Semax, and TB-500—were the subject of a summer meeting of the FDA's Pharmacy Compounding Advisory Committee (PCAC).
Up for debate was whether these six "bulk drug substances" and another, Emideltide, should be put on the FDA's Section 503A Bulks List. That list governs which substances licensed physicians and specialty pharmacies can compound into drug products without them being a component of an already FDA-approved drug or having "an applicable United States Pharmacopeia (USP) or National Formulary (NF) monograph."
In July, the panel voted to put six of the seven peptide-related substances under consideration (all except Emideltide) on the bulks list. But the panel's vote is not binding.
It's ultimately up to FDA authorities to decide whether they accept the advisory committee's recommendations. So far, no decision has been released.
But yesterday, HHS unveiled an "Enforcement Discretion Policy Regarding 503A Compounding Using Certain Peptide Bulk Drug Substances." And it effectively puts the committee's recommendations into practice by proxy.
Kennedy can't ensure FDA approval, of course. But he can—and will—stop HHS from taking action against physicians or pharmacies that compound and distribute these substances under his prescribed rules.
In an explainer about the new policy, HHS notes that "compounded drugs are not FDA-approved, which means FDA does not review their safety, effectiveness, or quality before they are marketed." Nonetheless, "compounded drugs can serve an important medical need for certain patients" and "there is significant interest in the use of these peptides in compounding," it says.
Opponents of allowing more peptide-based treatments to be compounded by licensed U.S. pharmacies often focus on the fact that these products don't have FDA approval and may not have the extensive experimental backing required of FDA-approved treatments.
But people are already taking BPC-157, MOTS-c, and other peptides anyway, buying them from companies selling them under "for research use only" labels or obtaining them from foreign distributors. Peptides can even be found on discount everything-marketplaces like the China-based AliExpress.
Allowing licensed physicians and pharmacies in the U.S. to compound these substances without fear of being punished gives people access to safer options than they might otherwise have.
Pharmacies compounding peptide-based products under the rules set forth by federal law still have to be licensed in the states where they operate and follow certain rules, including a requirement that active ingredients used for compounding must be "accompanied by valid certificates of analysis" and "be compounded based on the receipt of a valid patient-specific prescription." Per the new HHS policy, they must also follow several other rules regarding the packaging and labeling of these peptides.
"The Secretary of HHS has determined that this limited enforcement-discretion policy will discourage the continued, widespread use of certain research-use-only peptides supplied by foreign manufacturers that pose a safety risk to US patients," notes the HHS explainer. "By allowing limited compounding of the substances addressed in this guidance under appropriate safeguards, the policy provides patients with a more controlled alternative."
It's an astoundingly reality-based policy for government health officials, who often act as if matters like this come down to a binary between perfect health and safety on one hand and certain danger on the other.
Rather than relegating peptides to gray or black markets until they (may be) pronounced all clear by the FDA, RFK Jr.'s HHS has chosen to balance safety with "patient choice and freedom," as the HHS states.
The post RFK Jr. Institutes Backdoor Approval of 6 Peptides appeared first on Reason Magazine.
Editorial: The risks taken by the chancellor to provide short-term ‘breathing space’ at the expense of prudence for the long term have been exposed
© AP
Editorial: The risks taken by the chancellor to provide short-term ‘breathing space’ at the expense of prudence for the long term have been exposed
© AP
Italy has accused Germany of contributing to the latest surge in European natural gas prices by delaying the replenishment of its underground storage facilities, reopening a debate about national energy policies and their consequences for the EU’s single market.
The dispute emerged on 29 October after the European benchmark gas price briefly exceeded €100 per megawatt hour the previous day, its highest level since December 2022.
Germany’s gas storage facilities were just 61.7 per cent full, compared with almost 91 per cent in Italy and an EU average of approximately 75 per cent.
The difference has become politically sensitive because European countries purchase gas in an interconnected market, meaning decisions taken by one major consumer can influence prices paid elsewhere.
Speaking at the Montel Italian Energy Day conference in Milan, Alessandro Noce, director general for energy markets and infrastructure at Italy’s Energy Ministry, criticised Germany’s approach to preparing for winter.
According to Reuters, Noce argued that Italy had spent €300 million securing additional gas reserves, only to face higher market prices as Germany attempted to replenish its comparatively depleted stocks.
He also questioned whether Germany had delayed purchases because of preparations to privatise energy companies involved in the storage process.
Germany’s Economy Ministry did not immediately respond to the criticism.
The German government’s approach has attracted particular attention because of its role in the operations of Uniper and Securing Energy for Europe (SEFE).
Both companies became important components of Germany’s energy-security arrangements following the disruption of Russian gas supplies in 2022.
Plans concerning their future ownership have coincided with renewed questions about how Berlin balances commercial considerations against the need to maintain strategic reserves.
At the Milan conference, an energy analyst suggested that preparations for privatisation had contributed to delays in storage purchases.
That assessment has not been established as the definitive explanation for Germany’s comparatively low reserves.
Nevertheless, the resulting political dispute demonstrates the difficulties of managing energy security through a system in which national governments retain considerable discretion while their purchasing decisions affect a common market.
Europe’s latest price increase has several causes extending beyond German storage policies.
Disruptions to liquefied natural gas shipments associated with the conflict involving Iran have constrained supplies from the Middle East.
At the same time, European countries entered the summer storage-refilling period with unusually low reserves following the previous winter.
The EU Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER) reported that underground gas storage was only 28 per cent full at the end of winter 2025–26.
By 21 October, that figure had risen to 75 per cent, still below historical levels.
In its latest gas-market monitoring report, ACER estimated that disruption linked to the Middle East conflict had added between €18 billion and €33 billion to Europe’s gas-import bill.
The agency also found that American liquefied natural gas accounted for roughly 30 per cent of EU gas supplies, reflecting Europe’s growing reliance on transatlantic energy imports.
Although this diversification has reduced dependence on Russian pipeline gas, it has also increased Europe’s exposure to international competition for LNG cargoes.
European buyers must compete with customers in Asia, particularly when colder weather or geopolitical disruptions increase demand.
The disagreement has implications for the European Union’s gas-storage framework.
Following the 2022 energy crisis, the EU introduced mandatory storage requirements intended to reduce the risk of supply shortages during winter.
The arrangements were subsequently extended until the end of 2027.
Under the revised rules, member states retain a 90 per cent storage-filling target but have greater flexibility over when and how it is achieved.
Countries may reach the target between 1 October and 1 December, rather than being bound to the previous 1 November deadline.
Further flexibility is available in difficult market conditions.
These provisions were designed partly to prevent governments from creating artificial demand peaks by purchasing gas simultaneously to meet rigid deadlines.
However, the present dispute suggests that delayed purchases can create another problem if several major consumers need additional supplies as winter approaches.
Germany’s current storage level does not, by itself, establish a breach of EU requirements. The applicable deadlines and permitted exemptions must also be considered.
The Italian government has meanwhile been seeking permission from the European Commission to use public funds to reduce energy costs for households and businesses.
Rome’s concerns reflect the economic consequences of sustained high gas prices, particularly for industries dependent on energy-intensive manufacturing.
Italy faces a general election expected in 2027, adding a domestic political dimension to the debate over energy subsidies.
Noce warned that prices could rise to between €150 and €180 per megawatt hour if January brings particularly cold weather.
Such an outcome remains a scenario rather than a forecast.
Energy markets will also be influenced by developments in the Middle East, LNG deliveries, industrial demand and winter temperatures.
Europe has expanded its LNG import infrastructure and diversified energy sources substantially since 2022.
However, the latest price increases demonstrate that greater import capacity does not necessarily insulate consumers from global supply disruptions.
The German–Italian dispute also exposes the limits of national energy planning within an integrated European market.
Germany’s storage policies affect its neighbours, just as decisions taken elsewhere influence the price German consumers pay.
The central question for Brussels is whether existing coordination arrangements provide sufficient incentives for governments to safeguard their own winter supplies without transferring additional costs to other member states.
With the heating season approaching, that issue is becoming an immediate economic concern rather than a theoretical dispute about European energy solidarity.
On Tuesday, Israel went to the polls. By the next morning, both Benjamin Netanyahu and Gadi Eisenkot had claimed victory. Exit polls put Likud first, with 53 seats to 48 for Eisenkot’s Yashar, but left both blocs short of the 61 seats needed to govern.
The question now is who will form the next government and whether the two men may end up sharing one.
For many Palestinians, this election matters less for who wins than for what the result reveals to the world and what it conceals.
Likud has governed Israel for most of the period since 1977. Netanyahu has held the premiership longer than anyone, outlasting even David Ben-Gurion’s roughly 13 years.
Netanyahu and the parties to his right are the most honest expression of the Israeli state: a state founded on ethnic cleansing and sustained through racism, apartheid, and genocide. Others dress this reality in the language of democracy, coexistence, and peace. Netanyahu does not bother.
In 2019, he said it plainly: “Israel is not a state of all its citizens,” but “the nation-state of the Jewish people and them alone.” That year, his campaign ran on “Bibi or Tibi,” casting Palestinian lawmaker Ahmad Tibi and the Palestinian citizens of Israel he represents as the threat voters had to defeat. His official Facebook page urged Israelis to stop a government dependent on “Arabs who want to destroy us all women, children and men.” This year, one of his central campaign slogans is “The right or Palestine.”
The 2018 Nation-State Law, passed under Netanyahu, declared that the right to national self-determination in Israel belongs exclusively to the Jewish people and enshrined Jewish settlement as a “national value.” His government did not invent this principle; it gave legal form to the principle on which the Zionist project was founded.
Since then, Israel has approved dozens of new settlements and retroactively legalised unauthorised outposts. In February 2026, it went further, reopening West Bank land registration for the first time since 1967. In Area C, land that Palestinians cannot prove they own under Israeli procedures can be registered as Israeli state land and made available for settlement.
Meanwhile, state-backed settler violence has reached record levels. And then there is Gaza.
Netanyahu’s unfiltered colonial politics have forced both the Israeli public and world leaders to confront what they have spent decades refusing to see.
A “liberal” or “centrist” government would not undo this. It would launder it. We have seen this before: settlements expanded under Labour governments, including through the Oslo years, while the world applauded a peace process.
A friendlier face in Tel Aviv would give many in the “international community” the excuse they have been waiting for to look away.
Consider Eisenkot, Netanyahu’s main challenger and leader of the “centrist” Yashar party. He was a central decision-maker in the Israeli occupation army, rising to chief of staff and later sitting in Netanyahu’s war cabinet after 7 October. He publicly articulated the Dahiya Doctrine: the strategy of overwhelming force against civilian areas used in Lebanon and Gaza.
Eisenkot’s party promises a “Jewish and democratic” state- ethnonationalism, but made to look democratic. He rejects the two-state solution that Washington and Brussels still present as the road to peace. His objection to Ben-Gvir and Smotrich is not what they do, but how it looks abroad.
The West, the EU included, has hoped an opposition victory would whitewash Israel’s image. The election results point the other way: over 77% of Israelis voted for right-wing and far-right parties, around 15%, largely Palestinian citizens of Israel, backed the Arab parties, and just 6.51% voted for the Zionist left.
The result also exposes the limits of framing opposition to Netanyahu as an awakening to the horrors committed by the state. Given a choice, most Israeli voters did not opt for a fundamentally different agenda; they endorsed the same core project of Jewish supremacy and Palestinian dispossession, and they backed the Israeli genocide in Gaza.
Across the political spectrum, Israel has shed any pretence of democratic equality. Arab citizens are delegitimised: their parties were banned before the vote and reinstated only by the courts, and their turnout was branded an “emergency” on election day.
Their record result has been met with cries of a stolen election and demands that their leaders be interrogated and arrested, and a further crackdown on their rights now looks all but certain. Even the “centrist” opposition refuses to govern with them.
The difference between “moderate” and “extremist” Zionism lies less in its goals than in how it presents them to the outside world.
Both currents seek to preserve Israel as a state that privileges Jewish nationality and control over historic Palestine. “Moderate” Zionism speaks the language of democracy, security and a negotiated settlement while continuing settlement expansion, military occupation and the structural exclusion of Palestinians.
“Extremist” Zionism says the same things openly: annexation, transfer, Jewish supremacy, making the underlying reality harder for Western allies to ignore.
Eisenkot and figures like him do not oppose the system so much as manage its image. Their objection to Ben-Gvir and Smotrich is not that Palestinian rights are being denied, but that the denial has become too visible, too crude and too damaging to Israel’s standing abroad.
The “moderate” opposition offers a more presentable version of the same political order: one that Washington and Brussels can still call “Jewish and democratic,” even as that democratic claim becomes impossible to sustain.
Every Israeli election, regardless of the outcome, offers Palestinians, whether those eligible to vote or not, the same choice: one settler-colonial project, with or without the mask.
I would rather see it without.
It is a grim truth that we live in a world where people and leaders often wait for Palestinians to suffer visibly before they speak or act against Israel’s colonial occupation. And it is crueller still that Palestinians are expected to choose between those who kill us brutally and those who would kill us just as surely, only more slowly, and in a manner more acceptable to the international community.
Tamam Abusalama is a Palestinian-Belgian communications professional, born and raised in the Jabalia Refugee Camp. She is currently leading the strategy for the European Citizens’ Initiative Justice for Palestine, which calls for the full suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement.
Follow Tamam on X: @TamamBeitJirja
Have questions or comments? Email us at: editorial-english@newarab.com
Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.
Jessie Buckley (36 años, Kerry, Irlanda) es la última ganadora del Oscar a mejor actriz; se lo llevó el pasado mes de marzo por su papel protagonista en la película Hamnet, que le valió el reconocimiento de la crítica y el público en todo el mundo. Pero su primer reflejo no ha sido quedarse en Hollywood, sino volver al teatro. Y lo ha hecho a pesar de los sueldos millonarios de la meca del cine que puede ganar quien se hace con la preciada estatuilla. Tras recibir el Oscar, podría cobrar hasta 5,4 millones de euros por película, según analistas del sector consultados por The Times. Pero ella ha cambiado esos millonarios contratos por los 167 euros diarios que paga el teatro Royal Court de Londres, donde protagonizará la obra experimental Afterbirth.
© SIPA USA (Sthanlee Mirador/Sipa USA)
Samsung Electronics booked its previously flagged profit boost for Q3 as it continues to cash in on demand for memory products for AI, though cost pressures still hamper its mobile devices unit.
Its Mobile eXperience and Networks business, which includes its smartphones and mobile network products, posted an operating loss of KRW600 billion ($448.5 million) compared with a profit of KRW3.6 trillion in Q3 2025.
Revenue for the division was KRW37.7 trillion, up 11%.
It noted although its latest flagships and foldable range drove revenue, cost pressures hit the bottom line, a trend it also cited in Q2.
Samsung plans to focus efforts in the current period on sales of premium handsets and new related products, while aiming to “mitigate profitability risks through efficiency improvements across all business processes”.
In 2027 it intends to focus its device business on flagships and providing “differentiated experiences by customer segment”. It also plans to push “hardware and form-factor innovation”.
To “minimize declines in profit” it plans to undertake “agile market responses and operational efficiency initiatives”.
Samsung’s Networks business recorded a decline in earnings on lower sales in North America and high-margin software.
It is targeting revenue growth across North America, Japan and its home market of South Korea in the current quarter.
Memory boom
Across the whole company, Samsung booked net profit of KRW75.1 trillion, up from KRW12.2 trillion. Revenue was KRW195.3 trillion, an increase of 127%.
It noted the figures are a quarterly high, driven by demand for memory products.
Samsung was bullish on its prospects, expecting “industry-wide competition for AI leadership to drive continued AI infrastructure investment” in the current quarter.
In 2027, it anticipates “AI infrastructure capital expenditure to reach an historic level”.
The post Samsung mobile unit books loss, memory surges appeared first on Mobile World Live.
Apple unveiled a long-awaited touchscreen MacBook Pro after years of resisting the feature, topping off a fresh wave of product announcements under CEO John Ternus.
The redesigned MacBook Pro in 14- and 16-inch sizes was presented yesterday (28 October), with a tandem OLED display it calls PROLED XDR and touch input which is being brought to macOS for the first time.
Apple stated the touch sensor is built into the panel rather than layered on top, which cuts latency.
It is targeting the feature at designers, musicians, and developers testing iPhone and iPad apps. It noted the touch function works alongside the keyboard and trackpad rather than replacing them. Hardware chief Johny Srouji called it a monumental step for the Mac.
Reuters noted Apple executives had long resisted the idea. Steve Jobs said in 2010 laptop touchscreens were “ergonomically terrible”, and Tim Cook, then CEO, said in 2012 that such devices would be as pleasing to users as converging a toaster and a refrigerator.
“I’m glad to see Apple adopt the best-in-class display technologies with its industry leading silicon and design,” Anshel Sag, an analyst at Moor Insights & Strategy, told Mobile World Live. “OLED and touch has long been the mark of a premium laptop for Windows and now I’m glad to see Apple embracing both technologies together.”
Both the 14-inch and 16-inch models of the MacBook Pro offer configurations featuring the M5 Pro and M5 Max chips, with up to 24 hours of battery life.
Orders opened yesterday, with shipping from 6 November. Prices start at $2,899 for the 14-inch M5 Pro and run to $4,799 for the 16-inch M5 Max.
The launch is the latest in a run of hardware announcements under Ternus, who took over as CEO from Tim Cook in September. His first big reveal was the foldable iPhone Duo foldable smartphone, priced at almost $2,000.
On 13 October, Apple expanded its smart home portfolio of devices, led by the $299 HomeView display built to show off Siri AI. Apple also announced a new Apple TV 4K, HomePod mini 2 and accessories made with LG and Schneider Electric.
Ternus is reportedly pushing to speed up product development and is weighing a move away from Apple’s usual launch cycles.
The post Apple adds touchscreen option to laptop range appeared first on Mobile World Live.
La muerte de la actriz Hayden Panettiere, ocurrida el 16 de agosto a los 36 años, ha sido declarada como accidental, por lo que la investigación policial sobre las causas de su fallecimiento ha concluido, según anunció este miércoles 28 de octubre el Departamento de Policía de Greenville, Carolina del Sur, encargado del caso, ya que es donde se produjo la muerte de la intérprete de Héroes o Nashville.
© Evan Agostini (AP Photo)
© Manuel Orbegozo for The New York Times
The Independent’s agony aunt Victoria Richards is here to help. Email dearvix@independent.co.uk for advice on love, work, family and relationships
© AFP/Getty
Emergency services, drones and dog unit continue to comb carriages as Civil Guard sets up clinics for relatives to provide DNA samples
Spain began three days of mourning on Thursday for at least 69 people who died in a high-speed rail collision, as hospitals continued to treat dozens of injured passengers and train drivers went on strike to urge more investment in railway safety.
The trains – one from Spain’s state-owned Renfe and the other from the private rail company Iryo – were travelling from Madrid towards the southern region of Andalucía on Wednesday when they collided just before 9am. After the Iryo train came to a halt, the other slammed into its rear, knocking several carriages off the track near Urda in the central region of Castilla-La Mancha.
Continue reading...
© Photograph: Marcelo del Pozo/Reuters
© Photograph: Marcelo del Pozo/Reuters
© Photograph: Marcelo del Pozo/Reuters
Emergency services, drones and dog unit continue to comb carriages as Civil Guard sets up clinics for relatives to provide DNA samples
Spain began three days of mourning on Thursday for at least 69 people who died in a high-speed rail collision, as hospitals continued to treat dozens of injured passengers and train drivers went on strike to urge more investment in railway safety.
The trains – one from Spain’s state-owned Renfe and the other from the private rail company Iryo – were travelling from Madrid towards the southern region of Andalucía on Wednesday when they collided just before 9am. After the Iryo train came to a halt, the other slammed into its rear, knocking several carriages off the track near Urda in the central region of Castilla-La Mancha.
Continue reading...
© Photograph: Marcelo del Pozo/Reuters
© Photograph: Marcelo del Pozo/Reuters
© Photograph: Marcelo del Pozo/Reuters
From a young chef and a single father to business owners and a pensioner, Guardian readers reveal how John Healey’s measures will affect them
Louie, 24, a chef living in London, says a lot of people have “written off the idea of even considering getting a property” in their 20s.
Continue reading...
© Photograph: Graham Robinson
© Photograph: Graham Robinson
© Photograph: Graham Robinson
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