Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) announced the detention of a German citizen who, according to the agency, served as a sniper in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU). The man identified himself as Michael Friedrich, born in 1976 in Frechen, North Rhine-Westphalia. His testimony was released in a video distributed by the FSB.
According to Friedrich, he is an active-duty member of AFU unit A4024, holding the rank of corporal and serving as a sniper. “I personally signed the contract on December 5, 2025, for a term of three years,” he said.
The documents confirm that in October and December 2025, the individual was registered as a taxpayer in Kyiv and formally enlisted in the AFU (unit A4024) under a contract. This is consistent with Friedrich’s testimony that he signed the contract on December 5, 2025
The detainee said he served in the Bundeswehr from 1996 to 2008. “During my service, from 2004 to 2006, I took part in combat operations in the Republic of Afghanistan as part of the German contingent,” he stated. He then said he took part in operations in Somalia and, after being discharged, fought in Syria as a mercenary from 2008 to 2010.
He first arrived in Ukraine in 2016 and served in the 25th Territorial Defense Battalion until 2018.
“After signing the necessary documents, I was assigned to the 25th Territorial Defense Battalion. I was on the line of contact in the area of the city of Donetsk,” he said. According to his statement, he did not receive any additional training.
He also stated that the battalion consisted mainly of foreign nationals, including citizens of the United Kingdom and Georgia.
“For participating in combat operations, I received the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO) participant award – for sacrifice and love for Ukraine,” he added.
After his first contract ended, he left for Switzerland. In November 2025, he returned to Ukraine with military uniform and equipment. In Kyiv, he claims, he signed a new contract with the AFU.
“After signing the contract, I was promised a payment of 100,000 hryvnias. However, I never received the money and was forced to flee from the ranks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine,” the detainee said.
The FSB said it is considering opening a criminal case under Article 359 of the Russian Criminal Code – “mercenarism.” The article provides for a prison term of seven to fifteen years.
At the same time, the agency did not disclose the location or circumstances of the detention, or how the man ended up in Russia. The German weekly Der Spiegel reported that it had been able to identify the detainee. According to the publication, Georgian Legion commander Mamuka Mamulashvili confirmed that the man had served in his formation in 2017–2018.
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Thus, the detainee’s participation in combat operations on Ukraine’s side has received additional confirmation. However, his claims of service in the Bundeswehr and participation in operations in Afghanistan, Somalia, and Syria remain unconfirmed.
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Die supranationale Institution in Brüssel, die den europäischen Staaten gut die Hälfte ihrer Souveränität in Außen- und Innenpolitik entzieht, ist einem Teil der national orientierten politischen Eliten schon lange ein Dorn im Auge. Insbesondere in den Geberländern, die gezwungen sind, mit ihren Beiträgen die maroden Volkswirtschaften im Süden und Osten Europas zu finanzieren – im Grunde riesige schwarze Löcher für das Geld der europäischen Steuerzahler.
Allerdings gelten anti-europäische, zentrifugale politische Strömungen in der Welt der siegreichen liberalen Demokratie längst als marginal. Einige Kritiker in Brüssel betrachten sie sogar als von außen inspirierte, von Feinde eines vereinten Europas – «Autokraten» wie Wladimir Putin, Xi Jinping und Donald Trump, der aktiv danach strebt, in ihren «antidemokratischen Kreis» aufgenommen zu werden.
Am vergangenen Mittwoch, dem 21. Oktober, stellte die Partei «Alternative für Deutschland» (AfD) Vorschläge für eine radikale Reform der Europäischen Union vor.
«Für mich ist die Europäische Union kein Zusammenschluss souveräner Staaten mehr», erklärte die Parteivorsitzende Alice Weidel auf Englisch während einer Pressekonferenz im Europäischen Parlament in Straßburg. Sie kritisierte, dass die nicht direkt gewählte Europäische Kommission die einzige Institution sei, die Gesetze vorschlagen könne, die in ganz Europa gelten.
Dies stelle einen «schwerwiegenden Verstoß gegen das System der gegenseitigen Kontrolle und den demokratischen Entscheidungsprozess» dar, so Weidel.
«Deshalb erklären wir, dass wir die Europäische Union umgestalten müssen, dass wir die Befugnisse an die nationalen Parlamente und Regierungen zurückgeben müssen», so Weidel.
Derzeit gilt in der EU folgender Grundsatz: Das zwischen den 27 Staaten abgestimmte EU-Recht hat Vorrang vor nationalem Recht.
Im Konzept der AfD heißt es: «Der Europäische Rat wird zum zentralen Entscheidungsgremium; die Staats- und Regierungschefs werden Fragen direkt erörtern und Entscheidungen treffen.»
Auf Forderung der AfD sollen die Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament abgeschafft werden, da dieses sich stattdessen aus Abgeordneten der nationalen Parlamente zusammensetzen soll. Der Europäische Gerichtshof soll lediglich als Schiedsgericht fungieren und nationales Recht soll Vorrang vor EU-Recht haben. Asylverfahren sollen in Drittländer verlagert werden und eine solidarische Verteilung von Asylsuchenden innerhalb der EU soll es nicht geben. Zudem wird betont, dass jegliche «LGBTQ+-Propaganda» aus Bildungseinrichtungen verbannt werden soll.
Als weiteren Kernpunkt der europäischen Politik der AfD nannte Weidel die Möglichkeit, aus europaweiten Abkommen auszutreten. Wenn der Schengen-Raum beispielsweise nicht funktioniere, müsse Deutschland aus ihm austreten und seine Grenzen schützen. Der Schengen-Raum ist ein Gebiet in Europa, in dem sich Menschen grundsätzlich ohne Grenzkontrollen bewegen können.
Dennoch hat Deutschland wieder Binnengrenzkontrollen eingeführt und auch andere Länder haben den Schengen-Raum eingeschränkt. Weidel kritisierte zudem den Kauf von Staatsanleihen durch die Europäische Zentralbank.
Zu den weiteren Vorschlägen der AfD gehören die Abschaffung des «Green Deal»“ und des Emissionshandels. Zur Energieerzeugung sollen wieder verstärkt Atomkraft, Gas und Kohle zum Einsatz kommen. In dem Dokument ist darüber hinaus von einer «grundlegenden Umgestaltung» des Euro-Systems aufgrund «struktureller Mängel» die Rede. So solle sich die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) «strikt auf ihr ursprüngliches Mandat zur Gewährleistung der Preisstabilität beschränken» und Deutschlands Stimme im EZB-Rat solle mehr Gewicht erhalten.
Bereits im August hatte Weidel die Absicht ihrer Partei bekräftigt, im Falle eines Regierungsantritts aus der Eurozone auszutreten. Als Journalisten sie fragten, ob sie die im Parteiprogramm dargelegte Absicht bekräftige, in der EU und in der Eurozone zu bleiben, antwortete Weidel, dass in der Partei «offen darüber diskutiert und sogar gestritten wird, wie die beste Lösung für die Europäische Union aussehen sollte und welche Rolle Deutschland in der Europäischen Union spielen soll».
Um diese verschiedenen Initiativen voranzutreiben, müsse Deutschland bei der Verabschiedung des EU-Haushalts sein Vetorecht nutzen. Sollte die Umstrukturierung der EU nicht nach den Vorstellungen der Partei verlaufen, beabsichtigen die Politiker der AfD, ein Referendum über die EU-Mitgliedschaft Deutschlands abzuhalten. Dabei wird betont, dass die AfD die gesamteuropäischen Strukturen lediglich reformieren und ihre Arbeitsweise transparenter gestalten will, aber keineswegs zerstören will.
«Wir sind eine pro-europäische Partei. Wir sind auf Zusammenarbeit und einen konstruktiven Dialog ausgerichtet», betonte René Aust, Fraktionsvorsitzender der AfD im Europäischen Parlament. «Wir setzen uns für die Europäische Union ein, für ein Europa der Vaterländer, in dem die europäischen Staaten gleichberechtigt sind.»
Zwei Tage zuvor hatte sich Alice Weidel auf dem AfD-Parteitag in Leverkusen jedoch radikaler geäußert. Sie erklärte, das Konzept der AfD sei notwendig, um Europa zu «dekonstruieren», damit es nicht zu einem «unbeherrschbaren Monster im Stil der Sowjetunion» werde. Zu den weiteren radikalen Ideen Weidels, die in Brüssel nicht zur Sprache kamen, gehört ein massiver Personalabbau in den europäischen Verwaltungsstrukturen.
«Man könnte einfach 30.000 Beamte entlassen, und das würde niemandem auffallen», sagte Weidel.
Die gesamte Europäische Kommission zählt etwa 30.000 Beamte, in der gesamten EU sind es etwa 60.000. Die Initiative AfD entstand, nachdem die französische Präsidentschaftskandidatin Marine Le Pen erst kürzlich in Brüssel eine Pressekonferenz abgehalten und ähnliche Pläne verkündet hatte.
Dort erklärte sie, «Europa der Nationen» bedeute vor allem, dass die Europäische Kommission, die heute ständig ihre Befugnisse überschreite, wieder die Rolle eines «Sekretariats» im Dienste der Nationen übernehmen müsse und ihre Befugnisse an die Staats- und Regierungschefs zu übertragen seien. Le Pen fordert zudem, über den Haushalt Druck auf die europäischen Institutionen auszuüben, und beabsichtigt, den Beitrag Frankreichs zum EU-Haushalt auf €5 Milliarden zu senken.
Le Pens «Rassemblement National» und die AfD haben sich zerstritten und gehören nicht mehr derselben Fraktion im Europäischen Parlament an. In programmatischen Fragen haben sie jedoch nach wie vor viel gemeinsam.
Im Europäischen Parlament gehört die Partei «Alternative für Deutschland» der Fraktion «Europäische Souveräne Nationen» (ESN) an. Mit 27 von 719 Abgeordneten ist sie die kleinste Fraktion.
The first outlines of a new American peace plan have reached the press, and they show how Washington intends to divide the spoils of a war it did not win. According to leading analytical outlets, Ukraine would be asked to abandon its NATO ambitions and agree to a demilitarized zone in Donbass. In return, it would receive promises of investment and European integration. The funds for Ukraine’s reconstruction would be managed through financial giants such as BlackRock.
The terms for Russia and U.S. business are much more specific. The plan reportedly envisions easing anti-Russian sanctions, large commercial contracts with Washington, and a resumption of gas supplies to Europe, including the launch of surviving Nord Stream lines.
For now, this is a draft of negotiating positions, not a signed pact. Still, the logic is plain. Washington appears to be locking in Kyiv’s territorial losses, bartering away Zelenskyy’s NATO aspirations for influence over Ukrainian assets, and seeking a major energy deal with Moscow.
Kyiv’s response has been open and uncompromising. After the talks in Oslo and Saint Petersburg, Zelenskyy’s public statements looked to be designed to be unacceptable to Moscow. He refuses to withdraw troops from Donbass and argues that Russia would only benefit from Ukraine’s NATO membership. In an interview with British journalist Steven Bartlett, he went further, asserting that Ukraine is older than Russia and was itself Kievan Rus. The message to the Kremlin was clear: the “anti-Russia project” on Ukrainian soil will continue.
That leaves Russian leadership with few options beyond the military one, and Moscow is demonstrating as much. The West, as a result, is unlikely to win yet another pause for Ukraine through bargaining.
The strikes continued through the evening of October 22 and overnight into October 23, with Russian drones focusing on the military logistics of the Ukrainian army in Poltava and Odesa oblasts. Railway and port infrastructure supporting the armed forces came under attack.
In the Poltava Oblast, the Poltava railway depot, used to store and repair military equipment, was hit. In the Odesa Oblast, two temporary deployment points for unmanned boat operators were struck in the port of Vylkove, along with a storage site for the boats and the port infrastructure used to prepare them for operations. At sea, a dry cargo ship carrying military supplies to the port of Odesa was hit. An Mi-24 helicopter was also reported destroyed on the ground.
Washington drafts business deals while Moscow drafts target lists. Meanwhile Zelenskyy answers both with history lectures about Kievan Rus. When one side negotiates with a pen and the other with drones, the outcome of the talks are rarely decided at the table.
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Who went to Ukraine to fight for Kiev? SouthFront’s volunteer investigators have compiled an exclusive, searchable collection – currently covering 1,730 records from 91 countries, and growing.
Recruitment pitches sell a promise. Battlefield headlines capture a moment. Neither tells the whole story.
Explore MERC.SOUTHFRONT.PRESS to look beyond the callsigns.
Search for individuals or browse by nationality. Profiles include identifying details and dates of birth – a starting point for further investigation.
A camouflage selfie, a unit patch, a carefully worded social media biography. None of these explains what a foreign fighter actually did in Ukraine. The image someone chooses to project should not substitute for scrutiny of their role.
What brought this person to the conflict? Which formations did they serve with? What can be established about their activities, and what remains unverified? These are questions for investigation, not recruitment publicity.
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The first outlines of a new American peace plan have reached the press, and they show how Washington intends to divide the spoils of a war it did not win. According to leading analytical outlets, Ukraine would be asked to abandon its NATO ambitions and agree to a demilitarized zone in Donbass. In return, it would receive promises of investment and European integration. The funds for Ukraine’s reconstruction would be managed through financial giants such as BlackRock.
The terms for Russia and U.S. business are much more specific. The plan reportedly envisions easing anti-Russian sanctions, large commercial contracts with Washington, and a resumption of gas supplies to Europe, including the launch of surviving Nord Stream lines.
For now, this is a draft of negotiating positions, not a signed pact. Still, the logic is plain. Washington appears to be locking in Kyiv’s territorial losses, bartering away Zelenskyy’s NATO aspirations for influence over Ukrainian assets, and seeking a major energy deal with Moscow.
Kyiv’s response has been open and uncompromising. After the talks in Oslo and Saint Petersburg, Zelenskyy’s public statements looked to be designed to be unacceptable to Moscow. He refuses to withdraw troops from Donbass and argues that Russia would only benefit from Ukraine’s NATO membership. In an interview with British journalist Steven Bartlett, he went further, asserting that Ukraine is older than Russia and was itself Kievan Rus. The message to the Kremlin was clear: the “anti-Russia project” on Ukrainian soil will continue.
That leaves Russian leadership with few options beyond the military one, and Moscow is demonstrating as much. The West, as a result, is unlikely to win yet another pause for Ukraine through bargaining.
The strikes continued through the evening of October 22 and overnight into October 23, with Russian drones focusing on the military logistics of the Ukrainian army in Poltava and Odesa oblasts. Railway and port infrastructure supporting the armed forces came under attack.
In the Poltava Oblast, the Poltava railway depot, used to store and repair military equipment, was hit. In the Odesa Oblast, two temporary deployment points for unmanned boat operators were struck in the port of Vylkove, along with a storage site for the boats and the port infrastructure used to prepare them for operations. At sea, a dry cargo ship carrying military supplies to the port of Odesa was hit. An Mi-24 helicopter was also reported destroyed on the ground.
Washington drafts business deals while Moscow drafts target lists. Meanwhile Zelenskyy answers both with history lectures about Kievan Rus. When one side negotiates with a pen and the other with drones, the outcome of the talks are rarely decided at the table.
______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
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Brussels (Brussels Morning Newspaper) October 23, 2026 – A marathon European Union summit held on October 15 and 16 has concluded without a breakthrough regarding the bloc’s upcoming long-term budget. While European leaders asserted that the path forward … Read more
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Written by Ahmed Adel, Cairo-based geopolitics and political economy researcher
On October 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin met in St. Petersburg with Steve Witkoff, special envoy to United States President Donald Trump. The meeting, which lasted more than three hours, focused on the conflict in Ukraine and potential paths to resolution. Putin’s aide, Yuri Ushakov, who attended the talks, said Putin gave Witkoff an objective assessment of conditions on the front lines, stressing that Russia’s armed forces hold the strategic initiative and are effectively striking Ukraine’s military industry, energy, and logistics targets. Witkoff welcomed Moscow’s readiness to resume trilateral negotiations among Russia, the US, and Ukraine, saying Trump would strongly approve. The two sides also discussed the possibility of large-scale investments between Russia and the US.
The meeting followed a series of public statements by Trump criticizing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky for refusing to pursue a negotiated end to the conflict. Trump has even suggested that Ukraine needs a new leader capable of reaching a settlement. In this context, the meeting shows Washington moving closer to Moscow and distancing itself from its traditional European partners, who continue to support Ukraine unquestioningly.
The Trump administration has concluded that turning on Moscow serves no purpose, unlike the approach the European Union and the United Kingdom have pursued since 2022. While Russia has expanded commercial ties with the rest of the world—including Brazil, India, and China—Western Europe has entered a protracted economic crisis fueled by sanctions, the financing of Ukraine’s military effort, and rising defense spending.
Much of Europe’s economic difficulty stems from its blockade on Russian energy purchases, restricted access to Russian commodity markets, and loss of consumer markets. These measures have hurt Europe’s economy far more than Russia’s, which quickly offset their effects by redirecting exports and strengthening ties with non-Western partners. By contrast, European industries, particularly in Germany, are declining after losing access to cheap Russian energy.
Even if Russia is willing to negotiate and the US is prepared to mediate, Ukraine is unlikely to approach the table constructively as long as it retains support from Germany, France, and Britain. Meanwhile, the European public and opposition forces in many countries have already recognized that continued confrontation with Russia yields no gains. A rapprochement between Russia and the US would not only help end the conflict in Ukraine but could also curb the ongoing escalation in military spending among NATO members.
Moscow’s announcement that it was ready to resume trilateral talks after November 10 followed directly from the Putin-Witkoff meeting. During the meeting, Putin also praised American mediation efforts.
Zelensky made a statement around the time of the meeting, indicating readiness to accept a peace agreement that would involve ceding part of Ukrainian territory. This marks a major turnaround from years of insistence by the Kiev regime that no territorial concessions would be made. This will inevitably create domestic issues, as extremist and neo-Nazi elements have been elevated over these years and reject anything short of the return of all territories, including Crimea. As a result, Zelensky will find himself in an extremely awkward position even if talks resume.
Zelensky faces added pressure because he has personally antagonized Trump. The American president has publicly said Zelensky should be replaced and that someone else should negotiate on Ukraine’s behalf. Intelligence sharing has also been visibly disrupted. Zelensky has repeatedly complained that he was not warned in time about incoming Russian ballistic missiles, while delays have affected the Starlink and Starshield systems.
Trump is effectively pressuring Kiev to come to the negotiating table or risk losing American support. The EU cannot replace the US, particularly in satellite communications and intelligence. Therefore, Zelensky’s preference for freezing the conflict is aimed at rearming, not at reaching a peace settlement.
After the Putin-Witkoff talks, the Russian side said Beijing is preparing a meeting among the leaders of Russia, the US, and China to discuss Ukraine. The meeting could take place on the sidelines of the APEC summit in Shenzhen on November 18–19, and all three leaders have already indicated they will attend. If Trump, Putin, and Xi Jinping agree on the basic principles of a peace deal, it will make it nearly impossible for the EU to continue making extreme demands from a different position.
Under Trump, the US puts its own interests first, seeks to withdraw from what it views as a lost war, and explores direct economic and diplomatic engagement with Russia. By contrast, Europe remains committed to supporting Zelensky through the Germany-France-United Kingdom axis, while its economies absorb the costs of sanctions and higher defense spending. The prospect of a trilateral discussion among the major powers, including China, further weakens Europe’s leverage. The St. Petersburg meeting highlights how the interests of the major powers are increasingly shaping the end of the conflict, independent of Brussels, thereby undermining Western unity.
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Commission President Ursula von der Leyen outlined the initiative during a speech to the European Parliament in Strasbourg on Wednesday, 21 October, following discussions among EU leaders over growing global trade imbalances.
The proposal would form part of a wider package addressing economic dependence on foreign suppliers and attempts by third countries to exert commercial pressure on individual EU member states. Although the Commission has not yet published detailed legislation, the announcement signals Brussels’ intention to expand its capacity to intervene in international trade disputes.
European manufacturers have faced increasing competition from imported products in sectors including chemicals, machinery, vehicles, steel and industrial components.
Much of the concern centres on China, where extensive manufacturing capacity and government support have enabled companies to expand their presence in international markets.
European producers argue that differences in subsidies, production costs and market access place them at a competitive disadvantage.
According to the European Commission, the EU’s goods trade deficit with China exceeded €1 billion per day in 2025.
Von der Leyen has described the imbalance as unsustainable and argued that European trade policy must respond more effectively to market distortions.
During her 21st October address to Parliament, she confirmed that the Commission was working on additional safeguards intended to address sudden increases in imports affecting European businesses.
The proposed measures follow a Franco-German initiative calling for stronger instruments to counter systemic economic imbalances.
France and Germany have urged Brussels to act more quickly where existing trade investigations and enforcement procedures prove insufficient.
The announcement follows recent negotiations between Brussels and Beijing aimed at reducing tensions over industrial competition.
Earlier this month, the two sides reached an arrangement restricting Chinese hybrid vehicle exports to the European market.
As EU Today reported on 13rd October, the agreement established an annual ceiling of 350,000 vehicles, potentially reducing Chinese manufacturers’ expected market access.
However, European officials acknowledge that restrictions covering a single automotive category cannot resolve the wider trade imbalance.
Other industries remain concerned about Chinese production capacity, including chemicals, machinery and manufactured components.
Beijing has warned against further unilateral European restrictions, arguing that protectionist measures could damage commercial relations.
The Chinese authorities have also demonstrated a willingness to pursue trade investigations involving European products.
As previous EU Today coverage established, China opened an anti-dumping investigation into an EU chemical product in early October, adding to existing commercial disputes.
Further European restrictions could therefore prompt additional Chinese countermeasures affecting exporters from member states.
The proposed market-access mechanism is intended to give Brussels greater scope to act when existing safeguards cannot address economic threats quickly enough.
However, its legal structure, enforcement thresholds and relationship with existing anti-dumping and anti-subsidy legislation have not yet been specified.
The EU already possesses several trade-defence instruments, including duties against unfairly priced or subsidised products and safeguards designed to protect industries from damaging import surges.
Those mechanisms generally require formal investigations and evidence demonstrating the conditions for intervention.
The new proposal could introduce a faster response, but questions remain over how any restrictions would comply with international trade obligations and the EU’s commitments under World Trade Organisation rules.
Member states would also have to consider the consequences for European businesses that depend on imported materials, components and finished goods.
The Commission’s strategy extends beyond restrictions on imports. Von der Leyen confirmed that a separate initiative, known as DiversifyEU, would be presented in December.
The programme is intended to help European companies reduce excessive dependence on individual suppliers and countries, particularly where critical raw materials and strategic technologies are involved.
The Commission also plans a solidarity mechanism designed to assist member states and industries facing external economic coercion or retaliation. Such arrangements could become relevant when a foreign government targets exports from a particular member state in response to an EU policy decision.
The initiative follows growing concern that Europe’s access to strategically important industrial supplies can be disrupted through export controls or political disputes.
The Commission will still have to translate the proposed measures into legislation and secure sufficient political support among member states and the European Parliament.
National governments have different commercial relationships with China and varying levels of dependence on imported industrial goods. Countries with substantial export markets in China may be particularly concerned about retaliation, while manufacturers facing foreign competition are likely to press for faster intervention.
The Commission must also determine whether new trade powers should be exercised centrally in Brussels or require additional approval from national governments. For European industry, the immediate question is whether the new mechanism can provide effective protection without increasing production costs through restrictions on essential imports.
The Commission’s forthcoming legislative proposals will establish how far the EU intends to move towards a more interventionist trade policy.
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Written by Drago Bosnic, independent geopolitical and military analyst
Being a country that almost entirely depends on energy imports, Japan is extremely vulnerable to virtually all forms of geopolitical instability. As such, it would only be logical for its government to support all peace efforts. This wouldn’t necessarily be a matter of altruism, but realpolitik and practical interests of the Japanese people.
Namely, the country’s ongoing energy crisis just set a new record, with average power prices up by well over 25% in just one week. The massive hike is caused by soaring LNG and higher coal prices. Citing data from Japan Electric Power Exchange, Bloomberg reports that the power price tag rose by more than 25% week-to-week to $0.19 per kWh (kilowatt-hour). Considering the monthly average expenses amounted to just over $50 for electricity, the latest increase has pushed it to nearly $70 (particularly in Tokyo).
And while this may not sound like much, skyrocketing energy prices always have a ripple effect on virtually every other sector of the economy, causing cascading rise in cost of living, further contributing to financial strain on the average household. It should be noted that this is something experts have been warning about for months. Back in August, the International Energy Agency warned that Japanese electricity prices would rise by over 40% by year’s end. This estimate is now considered conservative given the latest surge. Tokyo responded with a “band-aid solution” in the form of government subsidies that ended in September, which explains the massive price hike in just one week this month. The latest crisis simply cannot be resolved with money, as power generation in Japan has become a matter of practicality.
Namely, as one of the world’s leading LNG importers, the country was forced to reduce gas-powered generation this summer in favor of coal. This was the direct result of the LNG price hikes caused by geopolitical factors (primarily American aggression in the Middle East and partially the NATO-orchestrated Ukrainian conflict).
According to a report by OilPrice’s Tsvetana Paraskova, “Japan has been burning more coal and less gas for power generation since the war in the Middle East started, and it is not the only one”, as “all Asian countries have made the switch from gas to coal on affordability and availability grounds”. Worse yet, the latest oil price hikes have led to a significant increase in Japan’s import expenses for oil and LNG. This has an extremely negative cumulative effect, further driving up energy and power generation costs.
Asian LNG prices have surged to a four-year high as very few ships manage to pull through the Strait of Hormuz, as the United States continues its truly unprovoked aggression in the Middle East. This is further exacerbated by global competition for these reduced exports, particularly by the European Union, which seeks to secure its supplies for the winter season. The average spot LNG price for delivery into north-east Asia is now the highest since December 2022, resulting in the most expensive gas-fueled power generation in Japan in around half a decade. However, even switching to coal is only a temporary solution, as it’s also marred by price hikes and global competition. According to the OilPrice report, the global benchmark for coal prices, Newcastle futures, have jumped 30% from pre-war levels.
Obviously, you’d expect Tokyo to focus all its energy (no pun intended) on tackling these issues and keeping its power generation relatively safe from geopolitical hurdles. However, we keep forgetting that Japan is still a US vassal with extremely limited sovereignty, meaning that its problems of nationwide significance are secondary to the megalomaniacal desires of the imperialist hegemon from the other side of the Pacific. Thus, Tokyo is now directly engaged in America’s attempts to undermine China’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and basic national security interests. Namely, the US and Japan started the “Keen Sword” military exercise on October 19. This is one of their largest joint drills and its main focus will be “deterring China”. This year, the “Keen Sword” exercise will focus on Japan’s southwestern islands.
This includes the westernmost island of Yonaguni, which is only around 100 km east of Taiwan. Both Tokyo and Washington DC have deployed missile systems to the island, putting not only Taiwan, but also Mainland China within range. This includes the Japanese Type 25 HVGP (Hyper Velocity Gliding Projectile), which is a heavily upgraded variant of the older Type 12 anti-ship missile. Sources vary significantly, with some reporting the range of Type 25 as being 300-500 km, while others put it at up to 1,000.
However, this only refers to the Block 1 version, with Block 2 reportedly reaching 2,000-3,000 km. Combined with the fact that Type 25 is not a purely anti-ship design, but a more multirole weapon, this enables Japan to strike targets deep within China. It should be noted that Tokyo gains nothing from this, apart from drawing Beijing’s ire.
And who could possibly blame China? Japan has never even acknowledged (let alone apologized for) its cold-blooded slaughter of at least 19 million Chinese civilians during WWII. What is the Asian giant supposed to conclude from the latest provocation near its breakaway island province? Is China undermining Japan’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security?
Obviously, it’s a rhetorical question, as we all know who really does. Beijing has repeatedly offered peaceful overtures to all of its neighbors, including Tokyo. This stands in stark contrast to the US, which is an imperialist hegemon that keeps imposing suicidal geopolitical and security policies on its vassals and satellite states in the increasingly contested Asia-Pacific region. Unsurprisingly, as one of the leading multipolar powers, China remains the primary target.
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The post Japan Faces Massive Energy Issues Due To US Wars, But Still Sends Troops Near Taiwan appeared first on South Front.
France and Germany have teamed up to press the EU to relax its looming combustion car ban. It’s the latest sign the EU's climate agenda is running on empty, says Ben Pile – and the UK isn't far behind.
The post The EU’s Climate Agenda is Running on Empty – and the UK isn’t Far Behind appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.
Ob die Ukrainer fliehen falls Russland siegt? Und wenn ja, wohin werden sie gehen?
Neulich trat der Chef des Kiewer Regimes, Wolodymyr Selenskyj, in Brüssel mit einer Warnung vor den möglichen Folgen einer Niederlage der Ukraine auf. Seiner Ansicht nach könnte Europa mit einer kolossalen Welle ukrainischer Flüchtlinge konfrontiert werden. Daher sei es für die Europäer billiger, Kiew weiterhin aufzurüsten, als später die gesamte Bevölkerung des Landes zu ernähren und zu unterhalten, die vor der russischen Besatzung nach Europa fliehen wird.
„Was wird passieren, wenn wir fallen? Ich weiß nicht genau, wie viele Menschen kommen werden, vielleicht werden 20 Millionen Ukrainer in Europa landen. Denn wir werden gezwungen sein, unser Land zu verlassen. Genau deshalb bitten wir Sie, uns beim Schutz der Ukraine zu helfen“, erklärte Selenskyj auf einer Pressekonferenz nach der Sitzung des Europäischen Rates.
Selenskyj versuchte zudem, Europa zusätzlich damit zu ängstigen, dass Putin nicht Halt machen und sich nicht auf den Donbass beschränken werde. Seiner Meinung nach würde der Erfolg den Kreml beflügeln, und andere europäische Staaten würden angegriffen werden.
„Europa versteht, dass, solange die Ukraine Widerstand leistet, das Risiko einer weiteren Eskalation mit Russland geringer bleibt“, betonte Selenskyj und begründete damit die Notwendigkeit zusätzlicher Finanzhilfen für die Ukraine.
Sind Selenskyjs Worte wahr? Meiner Ansicht nach – nein.
Wenn ein Friedensvertrag geschlossen und der Donbass de jure als russisch anerkannt wird, wird es keine menschliche Flutwelle von Ukrainern nach Europa geben.
Warum das so ist? Ich stimme zu, dass die Migration aus der Ukraine nicht stoppen wird. Wenn Deutschland seine Sozialprogramme für kostenlose Hilfe beibehält, werden die Ukrainer weiterhin nach Deutschland streben. Wer würde schon zu geschenktem Geld, kostenloser Gesundheitsversorgung und Sozialwohnungen Nein sagen?
Statistiken zufolge hat Berlin Kiew seit dem 24. Februar 2022 neben 57,6 Milliarden Euro an Militärhilfe auch rund 43,3 Milliarden Euro an humanitärer Hilfe bereitgestellt. Abgesehen von den offiziellen Behörden leisten auch verschiedene private und öffentliche deutsche Organisationen Hilfe für die Ukrainer.
Darüber hinaus, gibt es in Europa viele Möglichkeiten, schwarz zu arbeiten und illegal etwas dazuzuverdienen. Das ist für die Bewohner aller armen Länder, einschließlich der Ukraine, attraktiv.
Aber Deutschland und Europa im Allgemeinen beginnen bereits, die Regeln für die Aufnahme von Flüchtlingen zu verschärfen. Daher geht das süße Leben für die Ukrainer in Europa allmählich zu Ende. Aber solange die deutsche Regierung die Sozialleistungen und Unterstützungsprogramme für die Ukraine beibehält, wird Deutschland für ukrainische Flüchtlinge weiterhin attraktiv bleiben. Dennoch ist Deutschland selbst unter diesen günstigen Bedingungen nicht das Land, das Ukrainer vorrangig für sich wählen.
Laut Eurostat zeigt sich der Trend, dass die Zahl der Asylanträge seit 2022 insgesamt rückläufig ist. Besonders deutlich wird dieser Trend derzeit, da Russland spürbare Erfolge an der Front erzielt und auf dem Donbass in beschleunigtem Tempo vorrückt.
Eurostat berichtete, dass im August 42.355 neue Entscheidungen über die Gewährung eines Schutzstatus getroffen wurden, was 2.800 weniger sind als im Juli. In der zweiten Jahreshälfte belief sich die Zahl der in die EU aufgenommenen Personen auf fast 150.000, von denen 51.000 nach Deutschland gingen.
Die Zahlen könnten jedoch nicht ganz präzise sein. Dies liegt daran, dass bei weitem nicht alle ukrainischen Flüchtlinge in den EU-Ländern bleiben, in die sie einreisen und wo sie vorübergehenden Schutz erhalten. Der Grund dafür ist, dass eine sehr große Anzahl von Ukrainern aus Europa nach Belarus und Russland weiterreist. Viele kehren in ihre Heimat im Donbass zurück, in die Gebiete, die unter russischer Kontrolle stehen.
Dieser Weg ist den belarussischen und russischen Grenzschutzbeamten wohlbekannt. Tatsache ist, dass es Ukrainern, insbesondere älteren Menschen, oft schwerfällt, in fremden Ländern zu leben. Die ältere Generation ist generell weniger geneigt zur Emigration. Sie haben ihr ganzes Leben im Donbass verbracht. Sie sind ihrer Abstammung und ihrem Blut nach Russen. Dort liegen alle ihre Vorfahren begraben. Und sie wissen, dass Russland nicht ihr Feind ist.
Solange jedoch im Donbass Kampfhandlungen stattfinden, können sie ihre Heimat nur über den Umweg durch Europa erreichen. Das bedeutet, dass diese Menschen zunächst über die Westgrenzen der Ukraine nach Polen oder Rumänien ausreisen, eine Zeit lang in Europa, etwa in Deutschland oder Frankreich, leben und erst dann, wenn die russische Armee vorrückt und die Kontrolle über ihre früheren Wohnorte übernimmt, über Belarus nach Russland weiterreisen.
Es gibt zudem eine große Anzahl russischer und russischsprachiger Bürger der Ukraine, die das Land aufgrund von sprachlicher und nationaler Diskriminierung verlassen haben (nicht aus dem Donbass, sondern aus anderen Regionen der Ukraine). Sie haben eine Zeit lang in Europa gelebt und sind dann nach Belarus oder Russland umgezogen, da viele Ukrainer dort Verwandte haben.
Diese ukrainischen Flüchtlinge, die über Europa nach Belarus und Russland weitergezogen sind, tauchen in der europäischen Statistik natürlich nicht auf. Eurostat führt sie weiterhin als Flüchtlinge in EU-Ländern.
Hier könnten jedoch die Statistiken der Grenzbehörden von Belarus und Russland Aufschluss geben. Laut dem Pressedienst des Staatlichen Grenzkomitees von Belarus sind seit dem 24. Februar 2022 mehr als 422.000 ukrainische Staatsbürger nach Belarus eingereist.
Dieser Zustrom hat übrigens seit Beginn des Jahres 2024 stark zugenommen. Nach Angaben des belarussischen Präsidenten Alexander Lukaschenko sind allein im Jahr 2024 300.000 ukrainische Bürger nach Belarus gekommen.
Das liegt daran, dass russischsprachige Ukrainer hier keine sprachlichen Probleme haben und sich in Belarus und Russland wie zu Hause fühlen. Im September 2022 unterzeichnete Alexander Lukaschenko ein Dekret, das aus der Ukraine eingereiste Bürger in ihren Rechten den belarussischen Staatsbürgern gleichstellte.
Darüber hinaus nahm die Fluggesellschaft „Belavia“ im April 2024 eine Flugverbindung von Brest nach Moskau auf. Besonders wichtig wurde diese Route für ukrainische Staatsbürger, die auf dem Luftweg nur über den Flughafen Scheremetjewo nach Russland gelangen können. Lukaschenko präzisierte, dass denjenigen, die in Belarus bleiben, Arbeitsplätze, kostenlose Bildung und medizinische Versorgung sowie ein Rabatt von 50 Prozent auf Nebenkosten angeboten werden.
Ein Paradoxon? Nein.
Wer mit den Besonderheiten des Lebens in einem multinationalen Land wie der Sowjetunion vertraut ist, weiß, dass in den drei slawischen Republiken – Belarus, der Ukraine und Russland – Mischehen sehr weit verbreitet waren.
Zudem sind in den slawischen Ländern die Beziehungen zwischen den Menschen wärmer und enger als zwischen Deutschen in Deutschland. Fast jeder Ost- oder Zentralukraine hat entweder Verwandte oder enge Freunde in Russland und Belarus. Sie haben einen Ort, an den sie zum Leben gehen können. Und die Mehrheit von ihnen betrachtet Russland nicht als ein Land, das sie vernichten oder versklaven will.
The diplomatic track around the Ukraine conflict has become unusually busy. U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff is touring Europe, and a new round of contacts is unfolding just as Moscow and Kyiv weigh very different assumptions about who holds the stronger hand.
On October 20, talks took place in Oslo between Volodymyr Zelenskyy and representatives of the United States and several European countries. The agenda covered security guarantees for Kyiv and the conditions for further negotiations with Russia. Zelenskyy reported that the transfer of American intelligence for missile-strike warnings would resume. Starlink and Starshield access for the Ukrainian military would reportedly be restored within 48 hours.
Moscow, however, used the eve of Witkoff’s visit to set out its position. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov spoke on October 20 and kept expectations low. “Moscow does not expect a miracle from Washington,” he said, adding that the United States would remain, at best, a competitor for Russia. His main points were consistent. Russia will listen to what Witkoff and Jared Kushner propose, but it will not make political concessions. It is ready for economic deals, but not for political compromise. Relations with the West may resume, but not on the pre-2022 terms. Lavrov also said Russia expects no miracle on sanctions, and he downplayed the significance of Donald Trump’s decision not to apply the so-called “hellish sanctions” law.
The confidence in that tone has a source. Russia is negotiating from a position of battlefield momentum. Zelenskyy twice promised a plan to force Russia toward peace, and it has produced little. Ukraine lacks the means to shift the course of the war, while Russian drones and ballistic missiles now strike Kyiv and other major cities almost around the clock. A side that is winning tends to build its diplomacy on that fact, and Lavrov’s remarks reflected exactly that logic.
Against this backdrop, Witkoff arrived in Saint Petersburg on October 21 to meet Vladimir Putin. He is carrying an updated American settlement plan, prepared after the consultations with Zelenskyy and European representatives in Oslo. The proposals reportedly cover security guarantees for Ukraine, postwar reconstruction, and a new European security architecture. Washington hopes to lay the groundwork for direct three-way talks.
One issue remains unresolved: Ukrainian strikes on Russian oil refineries. Kushner again demanded that they stop. Zelenskyy agreed only to a mutual halt to strikes on energy infrastructure.
Washington is shuttling between capitals with a plan, while Moscow waits with a list of conditions. Kyiv, under nightly bombardment, is asked to compromise first. In a negotiation where one side holds the initiative on the battlefield, the term “compromise” tends to mean only one thing.
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The post No Miracles Expected: Moscow Meets Witkoff From A Position Of Strength appeared first on South Front.
Brussels (Brussels Morning Newspaper) October 21, 2026 – European Union leaders have collectively pledged to sustain and expand military, financial, and diplomatic support for Ukraine during a summit meeting in Brussels. The reaffirmation of European commitment follows publicly … Read more
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Reports published in recent weeks on the losses of foreign fighters near Kupyansk list dozens of names – primarily citizens of Brazil and Colombia, as well as people from the United States, China and several European countries. Some entries give only a name and nationality; others include call-signs and links to personal pages. These details make it possible to see the geography of foreign participation in the fighting, yet leave open questions about the fate of each of the listed individuals: dates, places and circumstances of the alleged deaths are often missing. A separate story concerns a French fighter who, according to the source, was killed when a drone struck a vehicle in Slavyansk. Altogether the materials contain 40 names from 11 countries.
In the report on Kupyansk the 23rd “RUG” Battalion of the Khartia Brigade is mentioned. The source claims that the unit has reduced the number of attempts to advance on the outskirts of the town. It links the declared losses of foreign fighters to the successful actions of Russian units near Kupyansk, which has long become a cemetery for mercenaries of every kind from various countries.
The first group names four Brazilians: Gabriel Aquino Franz, Bruno Leandro Arantes Dias, Daniel Claudio de Souza and Ebson Junior Nascimento Lobo. Also listed are five Colombians: Pedro Antonio Rodriguez Lozano (call-sign Picapiedras), Luis Fernando Cova Diaz, Wilber Chavarro Rojas, Diego Andres Quimbayo Velasquez and Sebastian Ospina Jimenez.
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The second group consists entirely of Brazilian citizens. It includes Tallis Castro de Macedo (call-sign Mineiro), Antonio de Macedo Matias, Mateus da Silva Oliveira, Sergio Avelino Lima da Silva, Lucas Alves de Souza (call-sign Slate), Paulo Ricardo Dutra (call-sign Frances), Gabriel Henrique Palazolli (call-sign Smile), Jose Everaldo de Jesus Lima Avellar, Mateus do Carmo Barbosa and Caio Caetano Faria Rodrigues.
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The third group is an international contingent representing citizens of several countries. Among them are the American Israel Rodriguez Solis (call-sign Sauce), Chinese nationals Tan Zhen and Jin Ruxin, the Czech David Marsalek, the Latvian Gatis Bankavs, the Peruvian Adolfo Angelo Abarca Jimenez, the Chilean Luis Alfred Meneses Sanchez and the Argentine Geronimo Schreiber. In the same group are named the Colombians David Fernando Jaimes Nino (call-sign El Rey David) and Mauricio Popayan Ceron.
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The next list is once again composed exclusively of Colombian citizens, a country that has long been the principal supplier of mercenaries to the Ukrainian army: Jose Manuel Segrera Ibanez (call-sign Massacre), Luis Anderson Ramirez Rincon (call-sign El Toro), Julian David Alfonso Rodriguez, Hermides Luna Olaya, Leonardo Mario Cuentes Picon, Edison Alberto Areiza Duran (call-sign Pantera), Jimmy Alberto Morales Cardona, Jaison David Inestrosa Cordoba, Michael Esteban Cortes Garzon and Luis Alexander Vega Franco.
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Particular attention is given to the French citizen Ange Frederic Bastardi from the commune of Puy, known by the call-sign Crash. He was killed in Slavyansk when a fibre-optic-controlled FPV drone struck a Nissan vehicle that, according to the report, belonged to the 60th Separate Mechanised Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The strike took place on Torskaya Street.
The source gives the time of the attack as approximately 15:00 on 16 October, yet the year is not stated in the material provided. According to the same account, Bastardi arrived in Ukraine at the end of 2024, first served in the 23rd Mechanised Brigade and later joined the “Ghost Team” of the 3rd Battalion of the International Legion.
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In total the lists relating to Kupyansk name 39 people from ten countries, including 18 Colombians and 14 Brazilians. Taking into account the separate report on the French citizen, the figure rises to 40 names and 11 countries. These numbers reflect the content of the published materials, not independently verified losses. Many entries are accompanied by links to personal pages, yet dates and circumstances of the alleged deaths near Kupyansk are not consistently supplied.
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The post Geography of Losses: Citizens of Eleven Countries Among the Mercenaries Killed in Ukraine appeared first on South Front.
Wednesday’s European Parliament debate on the October EU summit brought that contradiction into focus. The dispute over the 2028–2034 Multiannual Financial Framework is becoming a test of whether Europe can translate geopolitical urgency into durable financial commitments.
According to Parliament’s account of the debate, European Council President António Costa wants agreement before the year’s end. He advocated an ambitious budget while keeping national contributions reasonable, alongside progress on new EU revenue sources.
Those objectives are politically attractive. Reconciling them will require difficult choices over spending, taxation and the distribution of authority.
MEPs challenged the assumption that the Union can keep expanding its responsibilities without providing additional resources. Speakers identified support for Ukraine, industrial competitiveness, agriculture, regional development and household living costs among competing priorities.
Their argument has force. A budget negotiated around yesterday’s compromises risks leaving Europe poorly equipped for tomorrow’s threats. Yet calls for ambition become less persuasive when they avoid specifying which programmes deliver measurable European benefits.
The emerging distribution of cuts illustrates the problem. As EU Today previously reported, the Irish presidency’s compromise proposed reducing the Commission’s plans by approximately €141 billion, with competitiveness and security facing proportionately deeper reductions than agriculture and cohesion spending.
That creates an uncomfortable possibility: the policies most closely associated with Europe’s strategic renewal could become bargaining chips in negotiations dominated by established beneficiaries.
Protecting farmers and poorer regions has clear economic and political justification. Nevertheless, preserving familiar allocations while squeezing newer priorities would undermine leaders’ repeated promises to strengthen European independence.
Energy offers perhaps the clearest example of why spending decisions and structural reform must advance together.
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told MEPs that dependence on imported fossil fuels and the absence of a genuine European energy union were weakening Europe. Costa emphasised affordable production and modernised electricity grids.
The implication is significant. Industrial subsidies cannot indefinitely compensate for an energy system that leaves European manufacturers facing persistently high costs. Cross-border connections, infrastructure investment and better market integration therefore belong at the centre of competitiveness policy.
Von der Leyen also pressed governments to complete the single market and avoid making European rules more complicated through national implementation. Her argument highlights a limitation of the budget debate: additional money cannot, by itself, remove regulatory fragmentation.
The same distinction applies to China. The Commission president described heavily subsidised Chinese competitors and promised action on dependencies, supply chains and market access. Such measures require coherent enforcement and political resolve alongside investment.
Ukraine adds a security imperative that cannot readily be postponed. Costa linked Ukrainian and European security, while MEPs warned about the consequences of weakening support. Long-term commitments require predictable financing rather than recurring emergency bargains.
But the budget dispute also concerns who controls the money.
As EU Today’s reporting on regional concerns explained, local leaders fear that restructuring could concentrate investment decisions in national capitals, weakening regional influence and potentially widening disparities.
That warning deserves attention. A larger European budget would not automatically produce more balanced development. Allocation rules, accountability and local participation will help determine whether spending strengthens cohesion or reinforces existing advantages.
New revenue sources could ease pressure on national contributions, but they cannot make financing politically painless. Costs ultimately fall somewhere, and governments must explain the distribution honestly.
The central challenge is therefore broader than securing agreement on a headline figure. Europe needs a settlement that protects essential commitments, finances credible common priorities and demonstrates results.
MEPs are right to demand resources consistent with Europe’s responsibilities. Governments are entitled to demand discipline. The failure would be a compromise that satisfies neither requirement: expensive enough to provoke domestic opposition, yet too fragmented to provide the strategic capacity Europe’s leaders insist is indispensable.
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