Ukraine’s military intelligence estimates that only 10–20% of the prewar population may remain in the Russian-occupied left bank of Kherson Oblast, accusing Moscow of forcing Ukrainians from their homes while relocating Russian citizens to the area.

Russia’s efforts to displace Ukrainians and bring Russian citizens into occupied Kherson Oblast are part of Moscow’s broader campaign to consolidate control over occupied territory, impose Russian institutions, and erode Ukrainian national identity. Similar practices have been documented in other occupied Ukrainian territories, including the resettlement of Russians into homes in Mariupol and efforts to replace Ukrainian education with Russian curricula.

The Main Intelligence Directorate of Ukraine’s Defense Ministry (HUR) said Russia was creating intolerable living conditions for Ukrainian residents and unlawfully seizing private property to displace them. The agency said Moscow was simultaneously using financial incentives to recruit Russian teachers, doctors, and other professionals to work in occupied areas.

Russia brings in Russian workers as Ukrainians are pushed out

Before Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, around 500,000 people lived on the left bank of Kherson Oblast, according to HUR. The agency estimates that only 10–20% of that population may remain.

Moscow is using state-backed recruitment programs, including “Zemsky Teacher,” “Zemsky Doctor,” “Zemsky Feldsher,” “Zemsky Cultural Worker,” and “Zemsky Coach,” to attract Russian citizens to occupied Ukrainian territory, HUR said.

Under these programs, Russian teachers and doctors who agree to work in occupied areas are offered one-time payments of 2 million rubles, while junior medical staff can receive 1 million rubles. The incentives also include higher salaries and other benefits, with contracts lasting at least five years.

HUR said hundreds of Russian teachers and doctors had already been brought to occupied Ukrainian territories from regions across Russia, including Krasnodar, Khabarovsk, Stavropol, and Perm Krais, as well as Rostov, Kursk, and Leningrad oblasts.

According to Ukrainian intelligence, Russian medical personnel are needed primarily to serve occupying forces, while Russian teachers are being brought in to undermine Ukrainian children’s national identity.

Ukraine accuses Russia of war crimes and genocidal practices

HUR said Russia’s efforts to displace Ukrainian residents and bring in Russian citizens bore signs of war crimes and genocidal practices against the Ukrainian population.

The agency’s allegations concern both the coercive removal of Ukrainians from occupied territory and the replacement of local residents with people brought from Russia. Ukrainian authorities say these policies are part of Moscow’s broader effort to consolidate control over occupied Ukrainian land and impose Russian identity and institutions.

Kherson Oblast faces displacement, attacks, and a humanitarian crisis

Russian forces occupied much of Kherson Oblast in the early months of the full-scale invasion in 2022. Ukrainian forces liberated the oblast’s right-bank areas, including the regional capital, in November that year, but Russia continues to occupy the left bank of the Dnipro River.

Russian forces regularly attack Ukrainian-controlled areas of Kherson Oblast with artillery and drones, killing and injuring civilians. Ukrainians have described repeated drone attacks on civilians as a “human safari.” In May 2025, a UN commission of inquiry concluded that Russian forces’ repeated drone attacks on civilians along the Dnipro’s right bank amounted to crimes against humanity of murder.

The occupied town of Oleshky, on the left bank, has also faced severe shortages of food, medicine, and medical care amid restrictions on movement and continued fighting.

Russia’s occupation has also exposed residents of Kherson Oblast to major humanitarian disasters. The destruction of the Kakhovka Dam in June 2023 flooded settlements along the Dnipro, including Russian-occupied communities on the left bank, damaging homes and forcing residents to flee. Russian forces’ restrictions on access and evacuation further endangered civilians in the affected areas.

While Russia occupies the left bank of Kherson Oblast, its forces continue to target civilians on the Ukrainian-controlled right bank. Across the oblast, residents face the consequences of Russia’s invasion, from forced displacement and property seizures under occupation to deadly drone and artillery attacks.

Finnish President Alexander Stubb and Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre spoke by phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on 27 October, urging him to de-escalate Russia’s war against Ukraine and resume negotiations. The roughly 90-minute call was coordinated with Kyiv and came ahead of planned trilateral talks between Ukrainian, US, and Russian officials in Abu Dhabi in November.

The initiative marks a rare direct contact between Western European leaders and Putin since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022. The Nordic leaders are reportedly seeking to influence peace efforts increasingly shaped by US President Donald Trump, amid concerns in Europe that Washington is shifting toward Moscow’s position and sidelining Ukraine’s European partners.

Stubb and Støre said they discussed Russia’s war against Ukraine, upcoming negotiations, and security in Europe. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said the two leaders had urged Putin to take concrete steps toward de-escalation, particularly regarding attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure.

Zelenskyy says leaders urged energy de-escalation

After the call, Zelenskyy said he had spoken with Stubb and Støre to receive a detailed briefing. He thanked them for supporting Ukraine’s diplomatic efforts and said they had clearly told the Russian leader that real de-escalation steps were needed regarding Ukraine’s energy sector and infrastructure.

Zelenskyy also said the leaders discussed preparations for a trilateral meeting planned for November involving Ukrainian, US, and Russian negotiating teams.

In a joint statement, Stubb and Støre said the call followed their 20 October meeting in Oslo and was held in consultation with Ukraine. They emphasized that Finland and Norway, which both share borders with Russia, would continue their longstanding support for Ukraine.

“The discussion was frank and substantive,” Stubb said, adding that the war’s outcome would directly affect Nordic and broader European security. Støre stressed the war’s enormous human and material costs and said the leaders had emphasized the importance of de-escalation.

Moscow gives no sign of changing its position

The Kremlin’s account of the call offered no indication that Putin was prepared to soften his demands, according to Reuters. It said a just and lasting peace was possible only if Russia’s “legitimate interests” were fully taken into account, while blaming EU and NATO policies for prolonging the fighting.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov dismissed the call as offering nothing new on the conflict and accused European countries of seeking a role in negotiations.

A source close to the Kremlin told Reuters that Putin had said the war must end while taking “the realities on the ground” into account. The source interpreted this as meaning Moscow would not compromise on its goal of capturing the entire Donbas region.

Russia has continued its attacks on Ukraine while demanding territorial concessions. Kyiv, meanwhile, has called for meaningful de-escalation and a settlement that preserves Ukraine’s sovereignty and security.

Nordic initiative draws criticism from European partners

The call comes as European governments seek a greater role in peace efforts led by Trump. Western European leaders have largely avoided direct contact with Putin since the invasion, hoping to isolate Moscow, but concerns have grown that Europe is being sidelined in negotiations.

Stubb said Ukraine had sought to open a new channel of communication and that Europe could no longer remain a bystander to peace efforts. He said the initiative had been discussed with Western allies.

However, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen criticized the move, saying she saw no signs that Russia wanted peace and arguing that Europe should act together rather than pursue separate initiatives, according to Reuters. 

Reuters added that Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson said other European leaders had not been informed of the talks and expressed low expectations for the conversation. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk also urged caution.

Stubb and Støre stressed that they had acted as leaders of Finland and Norway, not on behalf of Europe as a whole. They said their countries would continue supporting Ukraine while pursuing diplomatic efforts to end the war.

The ceasefire around Russian-occupied Oleshky in Kherson Oblast has expanded beyond the town to provide safe passage for humanitarian convoys, US First Lady Melania Trump said on 27 October. The expansion is intended to facilitate aid deliveries to civilians trapped under Russian occupation.

Ukraine and Russia are observing a localized ceasefire to enable a humanitarian mission to reach Oleshky, where residents have faced months of shortages of food, medicine, and medical care under Russian occupation. 

Trump said the ceasefire took effect at 04:00 Moscow time on 27 October, two days ahead of the original schedule, to protect civilians and facilitate the delivery of critical humanitarian aid. Russia’s chief of General Staff, Valery Gerasimov, had confirmed the arrangement, she said.

Ukraine’s human rights ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets said no ceasefire violations had been recorded by 19:49 Kyiv time on 27 October, and Russian forces had made no attempts to advance. He added that he remained in constant contact with his Russian counterpart, Yana Lantratova.

THE CEASEFIRE HAS COMMENCED
The ceasefire between Ukraine and Russia took effect at 4:00am Moscow time on October 27, 2026. 
 
Timing was accelerated two days ahead of schedule to protect the safety of civilians and to facilitate the delivery of critical humanitarian aid. The…

— First Lady Melania Trump (@FLOTUS) October 27, 2026

Road to Oleshky must be cleared before aid can arrive

Lubinets said the ceasefire began at 03:00 Kyiv time and would remain in effect until 22:59 Kyiv time on 1 November. He reported no violations since it began and said Russian forces had made no attempts to advance.

The next steps are to clear mines from the road to Oleshky and deliver humanitarian supplies. Representatives of Ukraine, Russia, and the United States will be present once the route is cleared and the aid arrives, Lubinets said in an interview with Ukrainian broadcaster 1+1.

He added that everyone who wants to leave for Ukrainian-controlled territory would be able to do so and that assistance would be provided to everyone who needs it.

The Financial Times earlier reported, citing sources familiar with the negotiations, that residents who agree to leave Russian-occupied Oleshky during the ceasefire would first be transported to occupied Crimea or Russia before being allowed to return to Ukrainian-controlled territory.

Humanitarian mission follows months of efforts

Oleshky has been under Russian occupation since 2022. The town has been cut off for months, with shortages of food, medicine, and medical care worsening. 

The White House announced on 23 October that Melania Trump had secured a localized ceasefire originally scheduled to begin on 29 October. Russia subsequently announced a ceasefire on the Kherson axis from 27 October, with preparations to secure a route for a humanitarian convoy.

Lubinets said efforts to address the humanitarian crisis in Oleshky began in late February 2026, but progress accelerated in September following Melania Trump’s involvement.

The expanded ceasefire area is intended to facilitate the humanitarian operation, but the route must still be cleared and supplies delivered before the mission can reach residents. The new boundaries of the ceasefire area have not been specified publicly.

Ukraine’s air defenses have been intercepting nearly 60% of Russian Geran-4 jet-powered attack drones over the past three months, with the interception rate reaching 80% during some attacks, Ukraine’s General Staff said.

Russia has increasingly used jet-powered drones in its attacks on Ukraine, adding a faster-moving threat to the Shahed-type drones Moscow deploys against Ukrainian cities and infrastructure. Ukraine is working to improve interception rates while reducing the cost of countering these aerial threats amid shortages of surface-to-air missiles.

The General Staff’s update did not mention interception rates for Russia’s more advanced Geran-5 jet-powered drone.

F-16s, Mirage jets help intercept Russian drones

According to the General Staff, tactical aviation plays a significant role in destroying Russian jet-powered drones. Ukraine uses F-16s, French Mirage aircraft, and MiG-29 fighters to intercept them.

The military is also strengthening what it calls “short-range air defense” as Ukraine faces a shortage of guided anti-aircraft missiles. These systems include Gepard and Shilka anti-aircraft guns, newer Skynex, Skyranger, and Terrahawk Paladin systems, interceptor drones, and mobile fire groups deployed by different branches of Ukraine’s Defense Forces.

Mobile fire groups are equipped not only with machine guns and supporting equipment but also with man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS). Ukrainian troops have been successfully using these missiles to shoot down Russian jet-powered drones, the General Staff said.

Ukraine tests cheaper drone interceptors

Ukraine is also seeking to lower the cost of countering Russian aerial attacks by testing new interceptor drones.

According to the General Staff, some models have already downed dozens of Russian Geran jet-powered drones. The military did not provide further details about the interceptor models or the number of drones destroyed.

The rising interception rate reflects Ukraine’s efforts to adapt its air defenses to Russia’s evolving drone campaign while preserving scarce and expensive air-defense missiles for threats that require them.

Pro-Ukraine demonstrations took place in more than 10 cities across Europe, North America, and Australia over the past week, with protesters opposing US President Donald Trump’s agreement to resume Russian diesel shipments, the easing of sanctions on Moscow, and restrictions affecting Ukraine’s military support.

The protests were organized by Ukrainian diaspora groups and international supporters of Ukraine, who called on Washington to maintain pressure on the Kremlin, restore Ukraine’s access to Starlink, and stop using military aid and intelligence sharing as leverage against Kyiv. 

The International Center for Ukrainian Victory (ICUV) said the actions reflected growing concern over US decisions that could benefit Russia while its war against Ukraine continues.

The demonstrations followed Trump’s announcement on 9 October that Russia would supply diesel to US and global markets. The US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control subsequently issued a temporary license authorizing transactions involving Russian-origin diesel, including imports into the United States, through 7 April 2027. 

The decision reversed part of Washington’s restrictions on Russian fuel imposed after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

“We are witnessing a dangerous situation today: Russia, which attacks Ukrainian cities every day, is being offered economic agreements and sanctions relief, while Ukraine is being asked to make concessions. But Ukrainians cannot simply stop fighting. For us, this is a matter of our state’s existence. Our future cannot be the subject of agreements between Trump and Putin. It belongs to Ukrainians,” said Olena Ivashchenko, founder of Campaign for Ukraine.

Protests target Russian fuel deal and pressure on Kyiv

In London, hundreds of protesters gathered outside the US Embassy on 16 October, according to organizers from Campaign for Ukraine and partner groups. Participants included Ukrainians, Britons, Americans, and members of other national communities. British lawmakers also raised the issue in Parliament.

Demonstrators carried signs reading “How Many Ukrainians per Barrel?” and “Occupation Is Not Peace,” calling on Washington to preserve sanctions and reject pressure on Ukraine to make territorial concessions.

Protests also took place in Edinburgh, Chicago, Houston, Boston, San Diego, Prague, Rome, Stockholm, and Sydney. In Prague, two Ukrainian activists staged a protest outside the US Embassy on 21 October, pouring a red liquid resembling blood onto the road to symbolize the human cost of the policy.

Participants in several cities also condemned restrictions on Starlink, delays in ammunition supplies, and disruptions to intelligence sharing with Ukraine.

The diesel agreement has drawn criticism in Ukraine because Russian fuel exports generate revenue for Moscow while its forces continue attacking Ukrainian cities and infrastructure. A Russian diesel tanker carrying 40,000 metric tons of fuel departed Russia’s Baltic port of Primorsk on 22 October bound for New York, according to shipping data reported by Reuters. It was expected to arrive on 7 November.

Organizers warn against easing pressure on Moscow

Protest organizers argued that restoring Russian fuel sales and relaxing sanctions risk helping Moscow finance its war. They also opposed any US effort to secure concessions from Kyiv without requiring Russia to end its aggression.

The demonstrations reflect concerns among Ukraine’s international supporters that Washington’s pursuit of economic agreements with Moscow could undermine efforts to isolate Russia and strengthen Kyiv’s position.

Trump has defended the diesel arrangement as a way to increase fuel supplies and lower prices. His administration has also presented engagement with Moscow as part of its broader effort to end the war, while critics question whether easing economic pressure will produce meaningful concessions from the Kremlin.

Russian forces struck a warehouse belonging to Ukrainian publishing house KSD in Kharkiv on 27 October, disrupting the publisher’s planned November releases. No employees were injured, but the company is still assessing the damage and losses.

The attack came on the Day of Ukrainian Writing and Language, a national holiday celebrating Ukraine’s language and literary heritage. It adds to a series of Russian strikes on Ukrainian publishing houses, printing facilities, and book warehouses that have destroyed millions of books and disrupted the country’s publishing industry.

KSD announced the strike on social media, saying it had planned to greet readers on the holiday and reveal its November releases but instead had to deal with the attack. The publisher said strikes in the area were continuing, preventing it from determining the full extent of the damage.

The company had planned to begin releasing its new books on 5 November. It has now postponed the announcements while it assesses the situation and determines how to proceed.

“We really want to show you the new releases we had prepared for November,” KSD said. “But for now, as we clarify the details, we cannot yet assess the scale of the destruction and understand how we will work going forward.”

The publisher said it would share updates as more information became available.

Russian forces struck a warehouse building in Kharkiv’s Slobidskyi District with a drone, as Moscow continues targeting civilian and industrial infrastructure across Ukraine.

Ukraine’s State Emergency Service pic.twitter.com/F6Ee7VybbI

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) October 27, 2026

Russia’s attacks devastate Ukraine’s book industry

KSD’s warehouse is the latest publishing facility affected by Russia’s campaign against Ukraine’s book industry. In July and August alone, Russian attacks destroyed around 13 million books, nearly a third of the number Ukrainian publishers printed in all of 2025, according to the Ukrainian publishing industry.

On 1 August, a Russian strike on a warehouse used by the Ranok publishing group in Kharkiv destroyed around 8 million books, including hundreds of thousands of school textbooks. A separate attack on a printing facility in July destroyed print runs and book materials belonging to numerous Ukrainian publishers.

In October, Russian strikes also damaged a Kyiv warehouse belonging to publisher Knyholav, destroying tens of thousands of books, including titles and reprints that had replaced stock lost in an earlier attack.

These strikes threaten more than publishers’ finances. Destroyed print runs and damaged warehouses delay new releases, deprive readers of Ukrainian-language books, and force publishers to spend scarce resources replacing titles instead of developing new ones.

KSD has not yet disclosed its losses or announced a revised release schedule for its November books.

Ukrainian postal company Nova Post has established its own private air defense capability and has already shot down Russian Shahed attack drones, company co-owner Viacheslav Klymov said on 27 October, according to Interfax-Ukraine.

As Russia increasingly targets Ukrainian factories, warehouses, transport hubs, and other civilian infrastructure, localized air defense is becoming more important. Ukraine’s expanding private air defense program allows businesses to help protect their facilities while operating within the country’s military air defense command system.

“We are one of the few companies that has implemented this project. I don’t want to disclose figures, but we have Shahed shootdowns,” Klymov said at the 12th Kyiv International Economic Forum, according to Interfax-Ukraine.

Klymov also argued that businesses can take on responsibilities that were previously considered exclusively the state’s domain. He pointed to firefighting as another area where companies can strengthen their own response capabilities.

Nova Post employees already extinguish many fires caused by Russian attacks on the company’s facilities without waiting for the State Emergency Service of Ukraine (DSNS) to arrive, he said. Large businesses are also looking for fire engines in Europe to establish their own firefighting units.

Private air defense expands across Ukraine

Ukraine began allowing private companies to establish air defense units under a government-approved framework in November 2025. These units operate under Air Force command, with the military coordinating their missions and integrating them into the national air defense network.

Nearly 100 companies have reportedly joined the experimental program. About 50 air defense groups had been formed, and crews from six companies were already carrying out combat missions. By 14 October, the groups had downed more than 60 aerial targets, mostly Russian drones, according to Ukraine’s Defense Ministry.

The program allows participating businesses to help defend industrial sites and critical infrastructure using capabilities that include interceptor drones and remotely operated heavy machine guns. The approach adds another layer of protection without requiring the military to cover every facility with its own units.

The need for such protection has grown as Russia continues launching long-range attack drones against civilian and industrial targets across Ukraine. Localized air defense can help protect specific sites and reduce the burden on military units, although it remains part of a coordinated national system rather than an independent replacement for military air defense.

Not every company sees private air defense as the answer

The approach has its limits. On 26 October, Kateryna Zahorii, chair of the board of directors of major pharmaceutical company Darnytsia, said her company had studied private air defense but decided against deploying it, Interfax-Ukraine reported.

Zahorii said the changing nature of the threat could make the investment difficult to sustain, as companies might need to keep upgrading their defenses. Darnytsia is instead prioritizing attack monitoring, employee shelters, and safety procedures. The company has been hit by Russian forces three times in September, according to NV.

The EU plans ‘massive’ investment in Australia’s critical minerals sector as it seeks to make Canberra a major partner in reducing the bloc’s current reliance on China. 

“Since we wish to diversify away from China, then one of the most likely partners has to be Australia,” said the EU’s ambassador to Australia, Lawrence Meredith, who added that the bloc’s security and defence partnership, agreed with Canberra earlier this year, also relies on co-operation on critical minerals. 

Speaking at the International Mining and Resources Conference in Sydney on Tuesday (27 October) Meredith said that the bloc would be “massively investing in critical minerals.” 

EU and Australian trade officials are currently working on a bilateral trade agreement, with a view to concluding negotiations in early 2027, and a Memorandum of Understanding on critical minerals access is set to be part of it. 

Australian officials appear eager to partner with the EU. 

On Tuesday, Australia’s resources minister Madeline King said that it would revamp its own critical minerals strategy to put greater emphasis on refining and processing in an attempt to curb China’s dominance. 

This article continues, but the full version is available only to EUobserver.com subscribers. Visit account.euobserver.com/membership

Ministers want to speed up and simplify the payment of farming subsidies by taking control of the EU’s multi-billion euro farming payment schemes, under a deal reached late on Monday night (26 October).  

The agreement at a meeting of EU agriculture ministers in Brussels finalises the negotiating position of EU governments on the future of the bloc’s Common Agricultural Policy in its next seven-year budget. 

The ‘negotiating box’ prepared by the Irish EU council presidency earlier this month for the 2028-34 multi-annual financial framework spared agricultural subsidies provided by the common agricultural policy from cuts worth a total of €141bn but proposed three-percent cuts, worth €24.6bn, to funding for National and Regional Partnership Plans (NRPP), which are intended to streamline the distribution of EU cash to governments for a variety of different policies including agriculture and fisheries. 

The idea behind the NRPPs is to set up one single fund to provide support for farmers.

Each EU country would be expected to develop a single comprehensive plan outlining the reforms and investments it intends to implement from 2028 to 2034 and how it plans to use EU funds. 

EU governments agreed on Monday that this planning process should be designed to give them far greater autonomy. They say that the recommendations the commission makes to member states regarding the design of support programs should not be binding.  

The new system is set to prioritise ‘active farmers’, which sets a threshold of a minimum level of agricultural activity for farmers, as well as young farmers and small farmers. 

This article continues, but the full version is available only to EUobserver.com subscribers. Visit account.euobserver.com/membership

¿Cuántos planos aéreos se pierden porque el dron se quedó en casa? El DJI Neo 2 está pensado para que eso deje de pasar: con 151 gramos pesa menos que muchos móviles, y sus hélices van rodeadas por una protección completa que te deja despegarlo a tu lado. Si grabas tus viajes o el día a día de una afición, la consecuencia es sencilla: vuelve a merecer la pena meterlo en la mochila cada vez que sales.

La toma que abre el vídeo de viaje, sin montar un despliegue

Quien monta sus propios vídeos conoce la escena. Llegas a un mirador, a una cala o a la entrada de un pueblo y quieres ese plano que empieza en ti y se aleja hasta enseñar el sitio entero. Con el móvil, lo más parecido es estirar el brazo y girar. Con el Neo 2 la cámara sube de verdad, y esa toma de apertura es la que hace que un vídeo de viaje parezca contado y no solo grabado.

Ese plano acaba en el montaje o en la papelera según la estabilización. Un vídeo aéreo que tiembla un poco se nota en cuanto lo pones a pantalla completa, y arreglarlo luego en el ordenador recorta la imagen y da trabajo. Aquí el vídeo sale ya estabilizado del propio dron, así que el material entra directo en la edición.

El 4K ayuda en otra cosa. Grabas en horizontal y te queda margen para sacar un vertical para redes sin que la imagen se deshaga. Para quien publica en los dos formatos, es la diferencia entre grabar una vez o dos.

151 gramos y las hélices a cubierto

El equipo que pesa se queda en casa. Lo sabe cualquiera que haya cargado con una cámara grande en un viaje y haya terminado grabando con el teléfono. El Neo 2 va en la mochila junto al cargador y su peso no se nota al final de la jornada.

La protección que rodea las hélices cambia el día a día más que el peso. Te deja despegar cerca de ti, de tus amigos o de un árbol con mucho menos miedo a un roce. Si es tu primer dron, ese margen vale más que cualquier cifra de resolución.

En una mañana de rodaje la batería manda, como en cualquier dron pequeño, así que lo sensato es salir con alguna de repuesto si vas a encadenar varias localizaciones. Y llega en buen momento: ahora tiene un pequeño descuento, discreto, que hace más fácil dar el paso.

Los papeles justos y el listón honesto

Lo legal conviene tenerlo claro antes del primer vuelo. Al quedarse por debajo de los 250 gramos, el Neo 2 entra en la franja más ligera de las normas europeas de drones, la que menos trámites pide. Menos no es ninguno: como lleva cámara, hay que registrarse como operador en la web de AESA, y siguen fuera los aeropuertos, las zonas restringidas y los vuelos sobre aglomeraciones de gente.

El techo también está claro. Es un dron para tus vídeos, para YouTube, redes y recuerdos de viaje, no para un encargo de cliente que pida planos largos y muy controlados. Con viento fuerte, un aparato tan ligero sufre más que uno grande, y esos días toca dejarlo guardado.

Dentro de ese terreno, es un dron pensado para usarse cada semana y no para dormir en su caja, porque sacarlo no pide ninguna ceremonia.

El mejor plano aéreo de un viaje aparece cuando la luz se pone bonita sin avisar, y ahí cuentan los segundos que tardas en tenerlo en el aire, no los megapíxeles.

Los artículos publicados en la sección "De compras" están pensados para ayudarte a descubrir productos que pueden interesarte. Algunos de los enlaces incluidos son de afiliados, lo que significa que si realizas una compra a través de ellos La Razón podría recibir una pequeña comisión sin que esto influya en nuestras recomendaciones ni en el precio que pagas.

© Amazon

© Amazon

El primer AirTag casi nunca se compra para las llaves. Se compra al volver de un aeropuerto. Llega cuando la maleta tarda en salir por la cinta y no tenemos ni idea de dónde está. El pack de cuatro Apple AirTag resuelve ese momento por partida cuádruple. Y ahora baja de precio, así que cada localizador sale a precio de accesorio menor.

Cuatro, mejor que uno

Con los AirTag pasa algo curioso: el primero casi siempre tira del segundo. Lo pones en la maleta para el viaje de verano. A las pocas semanas, las llaves del coche, la cartera y la funda del portátil empiezan a pedir el suyo. Por eso el pack de cuatro es el formato que recomendaríamos a casi cualquiera que ya viva con un iPhone.

El reparto sale solo. Uno va en la maleta que viaja en la bodega del avión, otro en las llaves y otro en la mochila de diario. El cuarto queda para lo que en tu casa se pierde siempre, sea el mando del garaje o el estuche del pequeño.

Frente a otros rastreadores, el AirTag juega en casa. Vive dentro de la app Buscar, la misma que ya traes en el iPhone, sin cuentas nuevas ni aplicaciones de terceros. Se empareja acercándolo al teléfono y en un par de toques ya tiene nombre y emoji. Es la parte menos vistosa y, para nosotros, la que más pesa: un accesorio que da pereza configurar acaba en un cajón.

Lo encuentran los iPhone de los demás

El truco del AirTag no está dentro del AirTag. El pequeño disco se apoya en la red de dispositivos Apple que tiene alrededor. Cualquier iPhone que pase cerca detecta su señal de forma anónima y actualiza su posición en tu mapa, sin que el dueño de ese móvil se entere.

La consecuencia práctica es fácil de imaginar. En un aeropuerto, una estación o el centro de una ciudad, la ubicación se refresca casi sin pausa, porque hay iPhone por todas partes. En una casa rural perdida, el mapa va más lento. Para maletas y mochilas, que es justo para lo que se compra, el terreno juega a favor.

Su protección IP67 aguanta la lluvia del camino al coche, el polvo del maletero y hasta la caída a un charco. Y funciona con una pila de botón de las que venden en cualquier supermercado. Cuando se agota, la cambias en casa en un minuto, sin mandarlo a ningún sitio.

Hecho para quien lleva iPhone

La limitación es la de siempre con Apple: es un accesorio pensado para iPhone y iPad. Con el iPad funciona igual, aunque donde más se aprovecha es en el teléfono, que va siempre contigo. Si en tu bolsillo hay un Android, el equivalente lógico es otro: los Galaxy SmartTag hacen ese mismo papel para quien tiene un Samsung.

Para el resto, la cuenta sale clara. Pensemos en quien viaja un par de veces al año, en quien deja a los críos con mochila propia o en quien ya ha vivido un "dónde están las llaves" a las ocho menos cinco. Aquí tiene cuatro problemas resueltos de una vez. Y si alguien en casa ya tiene uno, el pack sirve para repartir entre la familia sin que nadie se quede sin el suyo.

Lo mejor de un AirTag es que te olvidas de él en cuanto está puesto. Hasta el día en que abres Buscar sin muchas esperanzas y la maleta, la mochila o las llaves aparecen exactamente donde las dejaste.

Los artículos publicados en la sección "De compras" están pensados para ayudarte a descubrir productos que pueden interesarte. Algunos de los enlaces incluidos son de afiliados, lo que significa que si realizas una compra a través de ellos La Razón podría recibir una pequeña comisión sin que esto influya en nuestras recomendaciones ni en el precio que pagas.

© Amazon

© Amazon

¿Qué necesita alguien que quiere volver a poner discos en casa sin montarse un equipo de alta fidelidad? Para mucha gente, la respuesta es un tocadiscos con altavoces integrados, y el Victrola Eastwood LP juega justo en ese terreno: plato, cápsula y sonido en un mueble pequeño con aire de mediados del siglo pasado. Lo he tenido unas tres semanas en el salón, casi todas las tardes. Lo que sigue es cómo suena, cómo se compara con lo que tenía antes y a quién se lo recomendaría.

Lo sacas de la caja y se pone a sonar

Lo primero que me ganó es que no hace falta montar nada para empezar a escuchar. Ni amplificador aparte, ni altavoces que colocar, ni una tarde peleándome con cables: lo pones en el mueble, lo enchufas, eliges el disco y bajas el brazo. Para quien empieza con el vinilo, quitarse ese paso de encima es medio camino andado.

Por fuera es discreto, de líneas sencillas y con ese toque retro que queda bien encima de un aparador sin parecer un objeto de atrezo. Se vende en negro, nogal y natural, y los tres cuadran con un salón de los de ahora.

Ficha técnica

• Tipo: tocadiscos de tracción por correa con altavoces integrados
• Velocidades: tres, con 33⅓ y 45 rpm como las habituales
• Cápsula: Audio-Technica AT-3600LA, de imán móvil
• Altavoces: dos integrados, con radiador de graves pasivo
• Conexiones: Bluetooth (Vinyl Stream), salida RCA y toma de auriculares
• Aislamiento: recinto antivibración
• Acabados: negro, nogal y natural

¿De dónde saca ese cuerpo un mueble tan pequeño?

Es lo que más me sorprendió: suena más lleno de lo que esperaba para su tamaño. La explicación está en el radiador de graves, una pieza pasiva que no tiene motor propio y vibra con el aire que mueven los altavoces. En la práctica, el bajo de un LP no se queda en un hilo y la música tiene algo de cuerpo incluso a volumen de sobremesa.

Nadie lo va a confundir con unos buenos altavoces de estantería, ni lo pretende, pero para un salón da la talla sin pedir nada más.

Mis LP de siempre y los singles, en el mismo plato

Lo he usado sobre todo con discos de 33⅓ y con algunos singles de 45, y pasar de unos a otros no tiene más misterio que cambiar la velocidad. La tercera velocidad está pensada para los discos antiguos de pizarra que a veces aparecen en casa de los abuelos; no la he necesitado, pero viene bien saber que también tendrían dónde sonar.

La cápsula la firma Audio-Technica, un nombre que entre los aficionados al vinilo da bastante tranquilidad. La aguja se gasta con las horas de uso y tarde o temprano toca reponerla, y la propia Victrola vende recambios.

El Bluetooth saca el disco hacia fuera

La conexión inalámbrica, que Victrola llama Vinyl Stream, manda lo que suena en el plato a unos auriculares o a un altavoz Bluetooth que ya tengas. Sirve para escuchar un disco de noche sin molestar a nadie o para llevar el sonido a un altavoz más potente.

Si prefieres cable, tiene salida RCA para conectarlo a un equipo y toma de auriculares para escuchar con cable de por medio.

Frente a mi viejo tocadiscos de maleta no hay color

Antes tuve un tocadiscos de maleta tipo Crosley, y la comparación es la más útil que puedo hacer: este suena y se construye claramente mejor. Parte de la diferencia está en lo que no se ve. El recinto es antivibración, algo nada menor cuando el sonido sale a un palmo del disco.

El salto se nota sobre todo si vienes de una maleta como la mía. Y para quien ya tiene un equipo con amplificador y altavoces separados, encaja como segundo tocadiscos para otra habitación, listo para sonar sin montar nada.

Un todo en uno que deja la puerta abierta

Su terreno es el del aficionado que empieza, y ahí está muy bien plantado: se pone el disco y suena, sin nada que aprender antes de disfrutarlo.

Lo bueno es que no te encierra. Si con el tiempo pides más volumen o más detalle, la salida RCA y el Bluetooth permiten llevarlo a unos altavoces mejores. Y eso, sin cambiar de tocadiscos.

Mi valoración final

Tres semanas después, mi balance es muy bueno. El Victrola Eastwood LP es muy recomendable para quien empieza con el vinilo y quiere algo bonito y todo en uno. No es un tocadiscos para audiófilos: no lo intenta y tampoco engaña.

Lo que lo hace recomendable es que pones un disco por la tarde, sin cables ni manuales de por medio, y suena más grande de lo que el mueble promete. Para un primer tocadiscos, eso es lo que yo le pediría.

Los artículos publicados en la sección "De compras" están pensados para ayudarte a descubrir productos que pueden interesarte. Algunos de los enlaces incluidos son de afiliados, lo que significa que si realizas una compra a través de ellos La Razón podría recibir una pequeña comisión sin que esto influya en nuestras recomendaciones ni en el precio que pagas.

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