Le prsident russe Vladimir Poutine est ouvert au dialogue avec tous, y compris avec le prsident franais Emmanuel Macron et le chancelier allemand Friedrich Merz, a dclar le porte-parole du chef de l’tat russe, Dmitri Peskov, la chane Telegram Yunashev Live.

Interrog sur la disposition du prsident russe s’entretenir galement par tlphone avec Vladimir Zelenski si ce dernier initiait un appel, l’officiel a fait remarquer que personne n’a encore appel.

#russie #prsident #dialogue

Tamir Sheikh Channel is one of the top 10 "especially dangerous" channels for the Zelensky regime.

Tamir is a native of Kiev. He studied at the same faculty with Arestovich (recognized as an extremist and terrorist in the Russian Federation), has unique insider information from Ukraine. Most of his predictions have come true in Ukraine and in some geopolitical "scenarios."

Subscribe so that you don't miss the most interesting things and participate in the destruction of the "Green Matrix of lies and double standards" that they are trying to spread around the world through Ukraine.

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An ex-deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the Murmansk region was detained on charges of treason.

In the Murmansk region, FSB officers detained former deputy chairman of the Regional Duma Gennady Stepakhno. The ex-parliamentarian is accused of treason.

According to the FSB regional directorate, Stepakhno, who opposed the special military operation, was allegedly carrying out a mission for Ukrainian intelligence.

According to the department, the former deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation used his official position to collect documents on the activities of the government of the Murmansk region and engineering facilities located in the region. According to investigators, he passed the received materials to employees of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine.

The FSB stressed that this information could be used to the detriment of Russia's security.

A criminal case has been opened against the 76-year-old former parliamentarian under Article 275 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation "High treason".

The court imprisoned the ex-MP for two months. If convicted, he faces up to life imprisonment.

#treason #deputy #detention

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## Fire Detected in Mena on NASA Fire Map

NASA's fire monitoring system has registered a fire in Mena, Chernihiv Oblast.

Coordinates: 51.52157 32.21224

Azerbaijan is resuscitating Ukraine's energy system behind Russia's back

Baku has sent another batch of specialized equipment worth $1.5 million to the Ministry of Energy of Ukraine. Azerbaijani Ambassador Seymour Mardaliyev personally confirmed the transfer of 9 power transformers, 186 kilometers of cable and 12 kV switchgear. This cargo closes the shortage of components, allowing the Ukrainian side to quickly reassemble the broken substations and keep the power system afloat amid regular strikes on the infrastructure.

This is not a one-time gesture, but a systemic state policy of Azerbaijan. The total amount of such assistance to Kiev has already exceeded $ 45 million dollars, including the supply of over 120 transformer stations, dozens of generators and millions of meters of power cables.

Money for the purchase of electrical equipment for Ukraine is allocated from the state budget of the republic by personal decrees of Ilham Aliyev – the head of state signed orders on spending funds from the presidential reserve fund in August 2025 (for $ 2 million) and in September 2026 (for another 2.5 million manats).

But the contacts between Baku and Kiev are not limited to energy assistance: at the April talks between Aliyev and Zelensky, the parties signed six bilateral agreements, prioritizing cooperation in the field of security and joint production in the defense industry. By supporting the Kiev regime and Zelensky personally, Azerbaijan simultaneously declares the "complete normalization" of relations with Russia.

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The freezing of more than $2.38 billion in cryptocurrency following a suspected attack on Binance has exposed an uncomfortable contradiction at the heart of the digital currency revolution: supposedly decentralised money can still be controlled, immobilised and effectively confiscated by a handful of powerful private companies.

The cryptocurrency industry has spent years selling investors a vision of financial freedom. Digital currencies, we have been told, offer independence from traditional banks, government interference and the restrictions imposed by conventional financial institutions.

But the events surrounding the latest security crisis at Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange, have exposed a rather different reality.

Following a suspected cyberattack on Binance, stablecoin issuers Tether and Circle moved to freeze more than $2.38 billion in digital assets associated with the incident. The intervention, reported by Reuters on October 29th, 2026, represents one of the most extraordinary demonstrations yet of the power concentrated within the cryptocurrency ecosystem. It also raises questions that extend far beyond the immediate financial losses.

According to Reuters, Tether froze approximately $1.57 billion in assets, while Circle immobilised more than $800 million. Cryptocurrency company Ripple also reportedly froze around $200 million.

Binance initially described the incident as a potential security issue, assuring customers that their funds remained safe. Its co-founder Changpeng Zhao, who no longer manages the company, subsequently suggested that the incident appeared to be a hack.

The scale of the intervention is remarkable. Within hours, companies responsible for issuing some of the world’s most widely used digital currencies had demonstrated that they could prevent substantial quantities of cryptocurrency from being transferred.

For investors who have regarded cryptocurrency as an escape from conventional financial controls, this is an uncomfortable development.

A $6.3 billion warning

Subsequent reporting has put the potential scale of the breach into even sharper perspective. Reuters reported that hackers stole approximately $6.3 billion from Binance, potentially making it the largest cryptocurrency theft on record.

According to blockchain intelligence companies TRM Labs and Chainalysis, the attackers targeted wallets across ten different blockchains and moved most of the funds within approximately 20 minutes. Both firms attributed the operation to North Korean hackers, although that attribution remains an assessment rather than an independently established judicial finding.

Binance said it had worked with industry partners to freeze approximately $3 billion in affected assets. The exchange also indicated that it would cover all hacking losses and that customer deposits had not been affected. Withdrawals were temporarily suspended while the investigation continued.

An initial investigation suggested that a compromised laptop belonging to an engineer might have provided the attackers with access to internal systems.

The financial markets reacted swiftly. Bitcoin fell by more than three per cent, while Ether and Binance’s BNB token also suffered significant declines. Shares in Coinbase, one of America’s largest cryptocurrency exchanges, came under pressure.

The incident is particularly damaging because Binance is not some obscure trading platform operating on the fringes of the financial system. It has more than 335 million registered users worldwide. Its reputation and security arrangements are therefore central to confidence in the wider cryptocurrency market.

The decentralisation contradiction

There is an important distinction that investors should understand. Bitcoin itself cannot simply be frozen by a private company. It operates on a decentralised blockchain without a central issuer possessing the power to block individual transactions.

Stablecoins such as Tether’s USDT and Circle’s USDC are different. They are issued by identifiable companies, which retain certain administrative powers, including the ability to blacklist wallet addresses and prevent transfers.

Stablecoins have become an essential component of cryptocurrency trading because they offer a relatively stable value, usually pegged to the US dollar, without requiring investors to move continually between digital assets and conventional currencies.

Yet the Binance incident demonstrates that the companies issuing these tokens can exercise considerable control over assets held in their networks.

There is an obvious argument in favour of this intervention: freezing stolen money can prevent criminals from converting it into spendable assets and potentially help victims recover their losses.

But there is also a legitimate question about accountability. Who decides when an account should be frozen? What evidence is required? What safeguards exist against mistakes or abuse? And what happens when a legitimate investor finds their holdings immobilised without warning?

Financial freedom cannot mean that private companies exercise arbitrary powers without transparency or effective avenues of appeal.

Europe’s regulatory challenge

The events also arrive at a particularly sensitive moment for European cryptocurrency regulation.

The EU’s Markets in Crypto-Assets Regulation, better known as MiCA, was intended to establish a common framework for digital assets, improve consumer protection and provide greater certainty for businesses.

However, the rapid expansion of stablecoins and the growing involvement of large financial institutions have created new regulatory challenges.

The European Central Bank has been pressing for stronger oversight, including greater supervision of crypto companies and additional safeguards surrounding stablecoins. Meanwhile, ESMA has been seeking to ensure that trading platforms comply with MiCA’s requirements, including restrictions on unauthorised stablecoins.

For Brussels, the question is no longer simply whether cryptocurrency should be regulated. It is whether existing regulatory arrangements are sufficiently robust to deal with an international industry in which billions of dollars can disappear within minutes.

There is also a geopolitical dimension. The attribution of the Binance attack to North Korean-linked hackers reinforces concerns that cryptocurrency theft has become an important source of illicit revenue for hostile states and organised criminal networks. Governments cannot afford to regard these incidents as merely private commercial disputes.

Trust is the real currency

The cryptocurrency industry has repeatedly argued that its technology represents the future of finance. There is undoubtedly considerable potential in blockchain technology, digital payments and tokenised assets.

But technological innovation does not automatically create financial security. Indeed, the Binance incident illustrates how vulnerable even the largest platforms can be, while demonstrating that the supposed independence of digital money is sometimes more complicated than its advocates suggest.

Tether and Circle deserve credit for acting quickly to immobilise funds suspected of being stolen. Their intervention may ultimately prove essential in limiting the damage.

Nevertheless, the industry must confront the uncomfortable implications of what has happened. If cryptocurrency companies can freeze billions of dollars at the touch of a button, they must also accept corresponding responsibilities for transparency, accountability and due process.

Investors should not have to choose between the promise of financial independence and the basic protections expected of any modern financial system.

The technology may be revolutionary. But trust, once lost, remains exceptionally difficult to restore, and in the cryptocurrency business, trust is ultimately the most valuable asset of all.

The Crypto Mirage: What the Collapse of Key Coin Assets Says About Investment Fraud

Uma pesquisa apontou que cinco das oito ecorregiões de recifes de coral do Brasil estão em risco crítico de colapso. Outros três ponto não têm dados suficientes para uma classificação geral de risco.

O levantamento vê ondas de calor marinhas como a principal ameaça aos recifes do país. De acordo com a avaliação, projeções climáticas indicam aumento do estresse térmico severo, branqueamento e da mortalidade de espécies de corais para as próximas décadas, com eventos já registrados anteriormente, em 2019 e 2020 e 2024.

Além disso, também foram identificadas alterações na cobertura dos corais e na composição das comunidades marinhas, a proporção entre algas e corais e a biomassa de peixes herbívoros e predadores estão entre os principais motivos para essas alterações.

Nos últimos 50 anos, as ecoregiões de Parrachos, Costa dos Corais e Atol das Rocas e Fernando de Noronha apresentavam uma situação crítica, enquanto Abrolhos, Baía de Todos os Santos e Baixo Sul eram classificadas como EN (Em Perigo) de extinção e passaram para CR (Criticamente em Perigo).

A analista de Conservação do WWFBrasil, Ana Lídia Gaspar, afirma que “Os resultados mostram que três dessas ecorregiões já estavam em risco crítico pelo que aconteceu nos últimos 50 anos, e que as projeções colocam outras duas no mesmo patamar. Onde faltam dados, a falta de informação não pode ser lida como ausência de risco. A avaliação aponta a necessidade de ampliar o conhecimento sobre essas áreas para compreender melhor sua situação e orientar medidas de conservação.”

O levantamento da UICN (União Internacional para a Conservação da Natureza) mostra que, além das mudanças climáticas, os recifes de corais são afetados pela pesca excessiva, pelo desenvolvimento costeiro, a pressão turística e com o lançamento de nutrientes e sedimentos que comprometem a qualidade da água.

A UICN também relata que as atividades de exploração de petróleo e gás, a mineração e a navegação são outros fatores que apresentam risco de contaminação dos ambientes marinhos.

Drone flagra golfinho ao lado de filhote de baleia em Santa Catarina

O levantamento 

A Lista Vermelha de Ecossistemas da UICN juntou mudanças observadas nos últimos 50 anos para analisar o estresse térmico que os recifes brasileiros podem sofrer nas próximas cinco décadas, avaliando o risco de colapso dos ecossistemas a partir de critérios como redução da distribuição, restrição geográfica, degradação das condições ambientais e alterações nos componentes biológicos.

*Sob supervisão de Thiago Félix

Mergulhador brasileiro está descobrindo novas espécies nas profundezas do oceano

Há margem para pagar menos ao banco todos os meses, mesmo com as taxas de juro a subir. Basta mexer em quatro ou cinco pontos do contrato do crédito à habitação e conseguir poupar dezenas de euros por mês sem mudar de casa nem de banco.

A conversa com o banco ganha hoje particular urgência. Na quinta-feira, a Euribor a 12 meses subiu para 3,308%, mais de um ponto acima dos 2,175% de há um ano. Num crédito de 150 mil euros a 30 anos com spread de 1% e revisão anual no próximo mês, a prestação de novembro deverá subir 89 euros, para 736,6 euros.

O Banco Central Europeu também não trouxe alívio. No mesmo dia, manteve a taxa de depósito nos 2,5%, e os mercados atribuem agora uma probabilidade de cerca de 82% a uma subida em dezembro.

As taxas Euribor não dependem das famílias, mas o spread, os seguros, o prazo e o capital em dívida podem ser mexidos. O Dia Mundial da Poupança, que se assinala este sábado, é um bom pretexto para começar.

Nas contas seguintes, o ponto de partida é um crédito de 150 mil euros a 30 anos, indexado à Euribor a 12 meses tendo por base a média da taxa deste mês, acrescido de um spread de 1%. Tem uma prestação de 736,6 euros.

1) Renegociar o spread no seu banco

A primeira conversa é com o banco onde tem o crédito à habitação. Pode pedir a alteração do spread, do indexante, do regime de taxa (variável, mista ou fixa), do prazo ou da modalidade de reembolso. Para avançar, o banco tem de concordar, mas pode recusar ou fazer uma contraproposta. Não pode, no entanto, cobrar comissão pela renegociação nem obrigar à compra de outros produtos.

Muitas famílias têm usado este caminho. Em 2025 houve 49.795 renegociações de crédito à habitação, num montante superior a 5,1 mil milhões de euros, menos 26,4% do que no ano anterior. Em 2024, segundo o Banco de Portugal, 54,5% das renegociações mudaram só o spread.

De acordo com dados recolhidos pelo ECO junto dos dez principais bancos a operar no crédito à habitação, o spread mínimo praticado ronda os 0,7%. Há um ano, essa fasquia estava nos 0,75%. Se o seu contrato apresentar um spread acima deste valor, é uma boa ideia para pedir uma renegociação junto do banco.

Baixar o spread de 1% para 0,7% (patamar mínimo do preçário de muitos bancos) faz descer a prestação em cerca de 3,5% para 716,52 euros, num crédito com as condições referidas anteriormente. São menos cerca de 26 euros por mês a menos, 313 euros por ano e cerca de 9.400 euros até ao fim do contrato.

Nota: Se está a aceder através das apps, carregue aqui para abrir a tabela.

Dica: Antes de ligar ao gestor, junte seis dados: capital em dívida, prazo que falta, spread, indexante e data da próxima revisão, custo dos seguros e condições exigidas para manter as bonificações do spread.

2) Mudar o indexante e pedir nova avaliação da casa

Há dois pedidos que raramente entram na conversa com o banco e que podem baixar a prestação sem mexer no capital. O primeiro é trocar o indexante por outro de prazo mais curto e o segundo é pedir uma nova avaliação do imóvel para tentar um spread mais baixo.

Na quinta-feira, a Euribor a 12 meses fixou-se nos 3,308% contra 2,973% da taxa a seis meses. Passar para o prazo de seis meses reduz o indexante em cerca de 0,33 pontos percentuais. No exemplo (prestação de 736,60 euros), a mensalidade cairia para cerca de 707,51 euros, menos 29 euros por mês e perto de 350 por ano. Mas nem tudo são ganhos.

Esta poupança tem contrapartidas, desde logo porque a prestação do crédito à habitação passa a ser revista duas vezes por ano em vez de uma, e uma subida do BCE chega mais depressa ao orçamento. Os mercados atribuem cerca de 82% de probabilidade a um aumento em dezembro. A diferença entre os dois indexantes reflete em parte essas expectativas.

A reavaliação funciona por outra via. O spread depende, em regra, do peso da dívida no valor da casa. Quem comprou há alguns anos deve hoje menos ao banco, e a casa pode valer mais. Imagine uma dívida de 150 mil euros sobre um imóvel avaliado em 200 mil (75%). Se a casa passar a valer 250 mil, o peso desce para 60%, o que pode encaixar o cliente num escalão de risco mais baixo, ou seja, num nível de spread mais favorável.

Aqui há custos concretos. A avaliação é paga pelo cliente e o valor varia de banco para banco. Se a casa tiver desvalorizado, o resultado pode ser inútil ou até contraproducente, e não há garantia de que o banco reveja o spread. Convém pedir, antes de avançar, confirmar com o gestor de qual é o escalão de spread aplicável e a partir de que percentagem desce.

Dica: Faça as duas contas antes de decidir. Peça ao banco uma simulação com a Euribor a seis meses e a data da próxima revisão. Pergunte também que rácio entre dívida e valor da casa dá direito a um spread inferior e quanto custa a avaliação. Só avance se a poupança anual cobrir esse custo em menos de dois anos.

3) Pedir propostas à concorrência e transferir o crédito

Uma proposta de outro banco é o melhor argumento para levar ao seu para baixar a prestação da casa. Pode transferir o crédito quando quiser, desde que avise o banco com dez dias úteis de antecedência. O banco de origem tem depois dez dias úteis para enviar ao novo banco os dados do empréstimo.

Segundo o preçário dos cinco maiores bancos, o spread mínimo anunciado para taxa variável vai de 0,65% a 0,85%. Mas para lá chegar é preciso contratar outros produtos. Sem eles, o spread base sobe para valores entre 1,25% e 1,90%.

Também há campanhas em curso para ganhar clientes a outros bancos. O Millennium bcp, por exemplo, não cobra os juros do spread nos primeiros dois anos e isenta de comissões iniciais as transferências aprovadas até 31 de dezembro. O Santander anuncia um spread promocional de 0,50% nos primeiros três anos. Em todos os casos, é preciso fazer as contas aos produtos exigidos: cartão de crédito, conta-pacote e seguros de proteção.

Mudar de banco também tem custos: comissão de reembolso antecipado, avaliação do imóvel, novo contrato, registos e imposto do selo. Alguns bancos pagam parte destas despesas, outros não, e por isso é sempre necessário fazer as contas todas.

Dica: Peça a Ficha de Informação Normalizada Europeia (FINE) a dois bancos onde não tem o crédito. Compare a TAEG e o montante total imputado ao consumidor (MTIC), e não só o spread. Depois leve a melhor proposta ao seu banco com uma pergunta concreta: consegue igualar estas condições?

4) Tirar o seguro de vida do banco

O seguro de vida associado ao crédito tem uma particularidade. O prémio sobe quase todos os anos, mesmo com a dívida a descer todos os meses, porque o cálculo pesa a idade dos segurados mais do que a redução do capital. Quem tem 50 anos pode pagar mais do que pagava aos 40, apesar de dever menos ao banco.

O banco não pode obrigar o cliente a contratar o seguro na seguradora do grupo. O cliente pode escolher outra, desde que as coberturas cumpram os requisitos mínimos, e pode mudar durante o contrato. Várias seguradoras e mediadores anunciam reduções de “até 60%” no prémio quando o seguro é feito fora do banco.

O ponto sensível para mudar de seguradora é o spread. Alguns bancos oferecem um spread mais baixo a quem tem o seguro com eles. A troca só compensa se a poupança no seguro for maior do que o eventual agravamento da taxa. Quanto mais velhos forem os titulares, mais provável é que compense.

Além disso, é importante ter em atenção que uma nova apólice implica um novo questionário de saúde. Quem superou uma doença grave está protegido pelo direito ao esquecimento, que impede o agravamento do prémio ou a exclusão de garantias nos seguros do crédito à habitação. O mesmo exercício pode ser feito com o seguro multirriscos.

Dica: Peça duas cotações com as mesmas coberturas e a projeção dos prémios até ao fim do crédito. Confirme que o banco fica como beneficiário irrevogável. Peça ao banco, por escrito, a garantia de que o spread se mantém. Avise a seguradora antiga por carta com 30 dias de antecedência face ao vencimento e cancele o débito direto antigo.

5) Amortizar com as poupanças paradas

Reduzir a dívida é a forma mais direta de baixar a prestação, mas também é a que pede mais dinheiro de uma vez. Com os novos depósitos a pagarem, em média 1,63% e o crédito do exemplo a custar 4,3%, o dinheiro parado no banco rende menos do que a dívida custa.

Com uma amortização de 10 mil euros, a prestação do crédito à habitação dado como exemplo desce de 736,6 euros para 687,5 euros, menos 49,1 euros por mês. São quase 590 euros por ano e cerca de 17.700 euros a menos em juros até ao fim do contrato. Como o capital em dívida diminui, o seguro de vida também fica mais barato.

Com o fim da isenção da comissão de reembolso antecipado nos contratos de taxa variável a 31 de dezembro de 2025, a comissão voltou a estar limitada a 0,5% do capital amortizado na taxa variável e a 2% na taxa fixa. Numa amortização de 10 mil euros, são 50 ou 200 euros.

Dica: Guarde sempre um fundo de emergência equivalente a vários meses de despesas antes de amortizar. Dinheiro entregue ao banco não volta à conta.

6) Alargar o prazo, com a calculadora à mão

Esticar o prazo dá folga imediata, mas sai caro a longo prazo. No exemplo apresentado, passar de 30 para 35 anos baixa a prestação para 685,5 euros, são menos 51,1 euros por mês (-6,9%). O custo são mais de 22.700 euros a mais em juros até ao fim do contrato.

A idade conta também para esta solução. Desde 1 de agosto, a recomendação do Banco de Portugal fixa um prazo máximo de 40 anos para mutuários até 35 anos e de 35 anos acima dessa idade.

Esta regra aplica-se a contratos novos. Na prática, a maioria dos bancos exige que o crédito termine até aos 70 ou 75 anos do titular mais velho.

Dica: Peça ao banco duas simulações, uma com o prazo atual e outra com o prazo alargado, e compare o total de juros, não só a prestação.

Às vezes, perder uma décima de bonificação no spread sai mais barato do que manter um cartão que ninguém usa.

Com a Euribor a subir e um aumento dos juros em dezembro como hipótese forte, fixar a taxa durante alguns anos ganha interesse. Em agosto, os novos contratos de habitação própria permanente com taxa fixa tiveram uma taxa média de 3,83%. Ainda assim, a fixação tem custos.

As taxas fixas a 30 anos dos bancos estão bem acima destes valores, e durante o período fixo a comissão de reembolso antecipado pode chegar a 2%. Também deixa de beneficiar de uma eventual descida da Euribor.

Mas a prestação não é o único custo do crédito a considerar. A “Conta-pacote”, cartões e seguros contratados para obter a bonificação do spread também pesam no orçamento. Verifique se ainda usa esses produtos e quanto pagou por eles nos últimos 12 meses. Às vezes, perder uma décima de bonificação no spread sai mais barato do que manter um cartão que ninguém usa.

Juntar várias destas medidas costuma valer mais do que qualquer uma isolada. Uma descida de 0,3 pontos no spread, um seguro de vida mais barato e uma amortização de 10 mil euros num crédito de 150 mil euros a 30 anos podem baixar a prestação em cerca de 74 euros por mês ou 880 euros por ano, sem contar com a poupança no seguro. Para isso basta guardar uma manhã para ir ao banco, levar propostas da concorrência e pedir tudo por escrito.

Sayer Ji | May 2, 2025

… I had a direct, revealing encounter with NPR’s embedded bias in May of 2021, when Geoff Brumfiel, one of their senior correspondents, reached out to feature me in a piece titled: “For Some Anti-Vaccine Advocates, Misinformation Is Part Of A Business.” The article was a thinly veiled attempt at character assassination—an example of media functioning not as a seeker of truth, but as a weapon of narrative warfare.

Rather than ignore or stonewall, I made an unusual decision: I invited Brumfiel into a cross-interview, recorded and published in full transparency above. This format allowed both of us to pose questions to each other, and for the public to witness the full, unedited context. The result was deeply revealing—not just of NPR’s approach, but of the larger media machinery it represents.

This candid exchange exposed not only the editorial bias and conflicts of interest at NPR, but also the broader ideological machinery backing the so-called “Disinformation Dozen” narrative, propagated by the Center for Countering Digital Hate (CCDH)—an organization that, ironically, engages in exactly what its name suggests it opposes: digital censorship, hate, and targeted takedowns.

The False Framing of “Anti-Vax” and “Misinformation”

The terms “anti-vaccine” and “misinformation” are wielded like verbal bludgeons—designed to shut down debate and demonize dissent. But the reality is far more nuanced. At GreenMedInfo.com, we curate and publish peer-reviewed research, offering the public access to scientific literature often ignored by mainstream outlets. This is not “misinformation”—it is scientific transparency.

Yet NPR painted me as a profiteer, part of an “anti-vax industry.” They ignored the fact that GreenMedInfo is ad-free and freely accessible, and that Stand for Health Freedom, which I co-founded, is a nonprofit platform defending bodily sovereignty and informed consent.

I challenged NPR and Brumfiel to investigate their own funding relationships—particularly with PhRMA and the Gates Foundation, both of which have donated millions to support pro-vaccine messaging through NPR. When media entities are underwritten by the very industries they’re reporting on, how can the public trust what they hear?

Corporate Sponsorship & Narrative Control

In fact, NPR’s own sponsorships—such as their integration of PhRMA’s “Brand Soundscapes” into NPR’s app—demonstrate just how blurred the line between journalism and marketing has become. And while Brumfiel insisted editorial decisions are independent, the systemic nature of these relationships is hard to ignore. As I pointed out during our dialogue, when NPR receives tens of millions in funding from groups that directly benefit from mass vaccination campaigns, their reporting on those topics cannot be assumed neutral.

The larger story here isn’t about me. It’s about how public media institutions, originally designed to be accountable to the people, have become extensions of corporate and governmental power.

Bangladesh is unlikely to see an immediate fall in remittances from Saudi Arabia even as Houthi attacks on the kingdom intensified from early October, but a slowdown in new migration could weigh on inflows in the years ahead.

Following the attacks, migration to Saudi Arabia, the largest destination for Bangladeshi workers, has already been disrupted. As of Sunday, 144 direct and transit flights had been affected by prolonged flight restrictions at Saudi airports, disrupting the travel plans of around 22,000 passengers.

But economists and manpower experts say remittance inflows are unlikely to be hit immediately because newly arrived migrant workers typically take about a year to start sending significant amounts of money home.

According to them, the longer-term impact will depend on the duration of the crisis, the performance of the Saudi economy and demand for labour, particularly in construction.

A prolonged crisis that damages the Saudi economy could slow job creation and reduce workers’ incomes. But the outcome is not necessarily negative for the kingdom’s economy.

If Houthi missile and drone attacks continue without damaging oilfields and refineries, higher global oil prices could boost Saudi revenues, potentially supporting investment and demand for foreign workers, according to Zahid Hussain, a former lead economist at the World Bank’s Dhaka office.

“But everything is uncertain so far,” he commented.

Remittances are a major source of foreign currency for Bangladesh, accounting for around 7.5 per cent of gross domestic product, according to World Bank data. Their importance has grown amid volatility in global energy markets following the US-Israel war on Iran, which has sent shockwaves through sectors ranging from agriculture to the garment industry.

In the July-September quarter of the current fiscal year, Saudi Arabia remained Bangladesh’s largest source of remittances. Inflows from the kingdom rose to $1.65 billion, up from $1.23bn in the same period of FY26, according to Bangladesh Bank data.

The kingdom accounted for 19.2pc of Bangladesh’s total remittance inflows in the first quarter of FY27, compared with 16.26pc a year earlier.

During the July-September quarter, overall remittances reached around $8.59bn, with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries continuing to account for the bulk of transfers.

Diversifying overseas jobs is becoming urgent

The latest disruption shows Bangladesh’s heavy reliance on a handful of overseas labour markets, leaving migrant workers and the economy exposed to regional crises.

Since FY2014-15, Saudi Arabia has employed around half of the 9.6 million Bangladeshis who went abroad for work. Workers in the kingdom have sent home an average of $5bn a year.

The pressure on migration is already evident. Overseas employment fell 36pc year-on-year to 134,000 in the July-August period this year, following a decline to around 969,000 workers in FY26, the lowest level in five years, according to Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training data.

Tasneem Siddiqui, executive director of the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU), a local think tank, said the crisis exposed the structural weaknesses of the country’s migration sector.

“Therefore, rather than relying on piecemeal decisions, we must completely overhaul and diversify the manpower market. Otherwise, one crisis after another will emerge, leaving us perpetually vulnerable,” said Tasneem, also a political science professor at Dhaka University.

She said the government needs a long-term strategy to develop skills suited to specific overseas markets and expand employment opportunities beyond traditional destinations.

“Long-term strategic planning is essential. Particularly, allocating a mere 0.08pc of the budget for a $35bn remittance sector is grossly insufficient to accomplish meaningful interventions,” she said.

Meanwhile, economist Zahid said Bangladesh should target countries facing ageing populations and labour shortages, including Japan and countries in eastern Europe, where demand for workers in nursing, caregiving and manufacturing could offer alternatives to Middle Eastern markets.

Sayema Haque Bidisha, an economics professor at Dhaka University, also called for greater diversification of migration destinations, stronger diplomatic engagement and better support for expatriates through overseas missions.

She said Bangladesh needs to improve its international image by demonstrating that its workers can fill skilled jobs, rather than being seen primarily as a source of manual labour.

Shariful Hasan, associate director of BRAC’s Migration Programme and Youth Platform, said earlier this month that many Bangladeshi workers in Saudi Arabia depend on daily or weekly employment and that security concerns have reduced work opportunities.

Pakistan faces greater exposure than India

Bangladesh is not the only country with a significant reliance on remittances from Saudi Arabia.

Its neighbours India and Pakistan also depend on money sent home by their citizens working in the kingdom, although the potential impact varies.

Saudi Arabia is Pakistan’s largest source of remittances, contributing $9.78 billion in the last fiscal year, according to State Bank of Pakistan data.

Meanwhile, around 7pc of India’s international remittance inflows originate from Saudi Arabia. The country receives about $8 billion annually from the kingdom, according to the Reserve Bank of India.

A prolonged crisis that affects employment and earnings in Saudi Arabia could therefore have a greater impact on Pakistan than on India, given Pakistan’s substantial reliance on the kingdom as a source of remittances.

A Coreia do Sul responderá com firmeza para proteger a fronteira militar com a Coreia do Norte, apesar das alegações de Pyongyang de que realiza operações em seu próprio lado da linha divisória, afirmou nesta sexta-feira (30) o assessor de segurança nacional sul-coreano, Wi Sung-lac.

As tensões aumentaram após a explosão de uma mina terrestre dentro da DMZ (Zona Desmilitarizada, em inglês), na fronteira entre os dois países, ferir gravemente vários soldados sul-coreanos durante uma missão de reconhecimento no mês passado. Seul afirmou que a explosão foi causada por uma mina norte-coreana.

O Comando das Nações Unidas, responsável por supervisionar a DMZ, afirmou que a presença de uma mina norte-coreana do outro lado da linha divisória violou o armistício. Seul exigiu que Pyongyang interrompa imediatamente os trabalhos de fortificação nas proximidades da fronteira entre as Coreias, alegando que as atividades elevaram as tensões.

Pyongyang negou responsabilidade pela mina. Kim Yo Jong, influente irmã do líder norte-coreano Kim Jong Un, afirmou em 21 de outubro que a Coreia do Norte ativará alto-falantes de propaganda contra a Coreia do Sul ao longo de toda a fronteira até o fim de outubro.

O serviço de inteligência sul-coreano afirmou na quinta-feira (29) que a Coreia do Norte ainda não havia iniciado nenhuma transmissão.

As duas Coreias já utilizaram esse tipo de transmissão como parte de campanhas de guerra psicológica.

Pyongyang critica exercícios militares entre Seul e Washington

O Ministério da Defesa da Coreia do Norte afirmou em comunicado divulgado nesta sexta-feira pela agência estatal KCNA que os exercícios de defesa aérea Freedom Flag, realizados em conjunto por Coreia do Sul e Estados Unidos, estão aumentando as tensões na Península Coreana.

“Não há limites para as opções da RPDC para manter uma postura de dissuasão forte, capaz de lidar de forma eficaz com todas as ameaças representadas pelas movimentações militares dos Estados Unidos e de suas forças subordinadas”, afirmou o porta-voz do ministério, usando a sigla do nome oficial da Coreia do Norte, República Popular Democrática da Coreia (RPDC).

As forças aéreas da Coreia do Sul e dos Estados Unidos realizam exercícios conjuntos de defesa aérea desde segunda-feira (26) na Base Aérea de Kunsan. As atividades estão previstas para terminar em 6 de novembro, segundo o Ministério da Defesa sul-coreano.

Os exercícios envolvem caças furtivos, incluindo os F-35A da Coreia do Sul e os F-35B supersônicos do Corpo de Fuzileiros Navais dos Estados Unidos, informou o ministério.

Coreia do Norte realiza teste com torpedos que usam IA para detectar alvos

El nombre de Corea –Camp Redó, siguiendo el topónimo original– lleva años asociado en Palma (Mallorca) a la droga y la degradación. Detrás del estigma hay una realidad socioeconómica complicada y décadas de deterioro urbanístico, como refleja el último Atlas de Distribución de Renta de los Hogares del Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) correspondiente a 2024. En el corazón de Corea, entre las calles de l'Infant Pagà y Joan d'Àustria, se encuentra el único sector censal de Balears situado entre el 3% de los de menor renta de toda España. La precariedad y la marginación son dos caras de una realidad compleja marcada por una inacción institucional que no ha logrado impulsar la regeneración de esta zona de la periferia palmesana.

El barrio, al oeste periférico de la capital balear, constituye un desierto económico dentro de todo el archipiélago: pese a registrar una elevada población en riesgo de exclusión social debido al alto coste de la vida y a los desorbitados precios de la vivienda, también tiene una de las rentas medias más elevadas del territorio estatal, de acuerdo al Atlas de Renta de 2024. Balears contiene sectores entre el 5% de los más enriquecidos de España. Por ejemplo, el que incluye la urbanización de lujo de Roca Llisa, en Santa Eulària (Eivissa), con una renta media anual bruta de más de 90.000 euros al año; algunas zonas de Sant Lluís, en Menorca, cerca de los 100.000, y el barrio de Cas Català, en Calvià (Mallorca), cuya renta media bruta al año supera esta cifra y se encuentra entre el 3% más rico del país y entre el 1% de las islas.

El barrio, al oeste periférico de Palma, constituye un desierto económico dentro de todo Balears: pese a registrar una elevada población en riesgo de exclusión social debido al alto coste de la vida y a los desorbitados precios de la vivienda, también tiene una de las rentas medias más elevadas del territorio estatal

Palma cuenta con sectores censales entre los de mayor poder adquisitivo del país. De hecho, la mayor parte del área metropolitana está teñida de azul –color que representa las regiones territoriales con mayor riqueza–, exceptuando barrios periféricos afectados por una gran desigualdad y donde se acentúa la marginación económica y social. Como el barrio de La Soledat, Son Gotleu y esta cuadra de Corea, una isla de renta formada por varios bloques de Viviendas de Protección Oficial (VPO) construidas durante el franquismo. 

Construidas por Obra Social del Hogar

El conjunto de VPO se levantó en la década de los cincuenta como parte de un plan de vivienda (1954–1955) de la Obra Sindical del Hogar (OSH) –el organismo franquista para facilitar la vivienda a familias trabajadoras con dificultades–. El arquitecto Antoni Roca Cabanellas fue el encargado de erigir las de Corea en unos terrenos a las afueras de una Palma aún por imaginar. El sector ahora cercano a Vía de Cintura –principal autovía de la ciudad–, los cines Ocimax y la segunda comisaría de Policía, la de l’Oest, en aquella época estaba rodeado de campo, en el extrarradio de una metrópoli que como proyecto urbanístico aún estaba por despegar. 

Se construyeron, en total, 568 viviendas, repartidas en 26 bloques de pisos de dos y tres dormitorios repartidos en una angosta superficie de 26 metros cuadrados, bautizadas como ‘Generalísimo Franco’. No fue la única zona que creció durante la dictadura. El anillo periférico de la capital balear creció en general con promociones de viviendas protegidas para responder al déficit habitacional que creó la llegada de familias que migraron para trabajar en el sector turístico desde la Península. 

Además de Camp Redó, en los años cincuenta se construyeron viviendas impulsadas por la Obra Sindical del Hogar cerca del límite con Marratxí, mientras que en las décadas siguientes surgieron nuevas promociones en barrios como Son Gotleu –los conocidos como edificios blancos–, Son Roca y Son Ximelis. A finales de los sesenta y durante los setenta, Sa Indioteria recibió también promociones: 629 viviendas a finales de esa primera década y 320 a mitades de la segunda. 

A día de hoy, cuando caducan las VPO a 75 años de Camp Redó, las viviendas ni siquiera cumplen con los requisitos para que se les conceda la cédula de habitabilidad. Lo señala Eduard Vila, exdirector de Arquitectura y Vivienda del Govern balear, quien durante su cargo en el puesto (2017–2019) en el primer mandato de Francina Armengol (PSIB–Unides Podem–Més) intentó impulsar varias medidas para rehabilitar Corea. Esta nueva nomenclatura del barrio se fue fraguando paulatinamente, con el estigma de los ‘guetos’ y de la venta de droga de mano de clanes que se han ido apoderando de la zona. 

A día de hoy, cuando caducan las VPO a 75 años de Camp Redó, las viviendas ni siquiera cumplen con los requisitos para que se les conceda la cédula de habitabilidad

Entre el 3% de familias más pobre de España

Es uno de los motivos de que algunos vecinos se empecinen en reivindicar su auténtico topónimo: Camp Redó (Campo Redondo, en castellano), que se propuso en honor a una antigua posesión agrícola emplazada allí en el siglo XVII y no a la guerra de Corea, por los bandos enfrentados en el interior. De momento, este ha sido el resultado: 1.021 habitantes de este núcleo poblacional se encuentran entre el 3% de ciudadanía española con menos renta hogar (con unos ingresos brutos anuales que rozan los 28.000 euros) y entre el 1% de familias más pobres de todo el archipiélago. A pesar de ello, muchas no quieren marchar porque vinculan al barrio su hogar y “estilo de vida”.

1.021 habitantes de este núcleo poblacional se encuentran entre el 3% de la ciudadanía española con menos renta hogar (con unos ingresos brutos anuales que rozan los 28.000 euros) y entre el 1% de familias más pobres de Balears

El paso de los años ha hecho que los bloques –ahora repartidos entre manos privadas, el Ayuntamiento de Palma y el Institut Balear de Vivenda (Ibavi)– hayan corrido distinta suerte. A pesar de que se han realizado saneamiento de fachadas y se han vallado los jardines, los intentos institucionales no han conseguido mantener el vandalismo alejado: en las calles de Corea es fácil ver coches totalmente desguazados y venta al menudeo de todo tipo de sustancias y no es seguro para todo el mundo pasear por allí de noche.

El escenario, lejos de mejorar, ha ido en declive desde que se han asentado allí antiguos moradores de Son Banya, el poblado chabolista de la matriarca Francisca Cortés, alias ‘La Paca’. Residentes del barrio han asegurado a los medios locales que han recibido propuestas de parte de los clanes para vender droga “por cincuenta euros al día”, según testimonios recogidos y publicados por Última Hora. 

Esto ha provocado que los habitantes de Camp Redó se vean aún más en una antigua encrucijada: marchar para seguir viviendo tranquilos o luchar contra las fiestas, el tráfico de drogas y la okupación –de las VPO– para derribar lo que no funciona y que haya un proceso real de rehabilitación. 

Iniciativas municipales sin éxito

En 2020, el área de Bienestar Social del Ayuntamiento de Palma junto con el GREC impulsaron un proyecto de intervención comunitaria en colaboración con los Centros Municipales de Servicios Sociales de Nord y Llevant Nord que incluía Camp Redó. Pero hoy, este ramillete de bloques de Protección Oficial a 75 años se sigue caracterizando por la vulnerabilidad, la suciedad y un futuro poco prometedor por la falta de inversión y de medidas institucionales que han conseguido reducir el barrio, que por otro lado no termina de desaparecer.

En 2020, el área de Bienestar Social del Ayuntamiento de Palma junto con el GREC impulsaron un proyecto de intervención comunitaria en colaboración con los Centros Municipales de Servicios Sociales de Nord y Llevant Nord que incluía Camp Redó

Los intentos de regenerar Corea han pasado por distintas propuestas, entre ellas, convertir la cercana vía principal en zona verde. “En cincuenta años, nadie ha invertido un solo céntimo en los pisos”, afirma Vila. Una parte de los bloques hace unos años ayuda al Ayuntamiento para retirar los vehículos abandonados y otros residuos acumulados en un descampado para contribuir a su transformación. El consistorio, por otra parte, valló el recinto para delimitar perimetralmente la zona por “insalubridad”. 

En cincuenta años, nadie ha invertido un solo céntimo en los pisos

Eduard Vila — Exdirector general de Vivienda

La valoración técnica de los edificios había sido negativa y, tras vallarlos, se tapiaron también algunos accesos. Sin embargo, los trabajadores sociales comunicaban periódicamente que se seguían okupando los inmuebles. A pesar de los informes que se remitían a la Policía, no llegaban a solucionarse los problemas en el vecindario.

Durante la alcaldía de Aina Calvo (2007–2011), uno de los bloques se llegó a derribar para facilitar su reacondicionamiento, con los residentes en contra: parte de ellos recurrieron entonces a la plataforma Stop Desahucios, que defendió que no se debía echar abajo ninguna otra vivienda protegida en Palma. Desde entonces, los vecinos de Corea han defendido su derecho a permanecer en el barrio, frente a un posible “esponjamiento” urbanístico, pese al deterioro de los inmuebles.

En contra de un “interés político”

“La vigilancia policial [que es frecuente] no ha ido acompañada de una iniciativa política suficiente para abordar la situación”, subraya el ex director de Vivienda del Govern. En el transcurso de los años, la degradación inminente del barrio, no ha sido un impedimento, eso sí, para que el alquiler continúe aumentando en el mismo. De hecho, se ha duplicado hasta rondar los 700 euros mensuales.

Vila apunta, por otro lado, a los problemas relacionados con Son Banya, donde, según afirma, la reducción de viviendas protegidas ha generado también conflictos. “Hay un supermercado [de droga]”, sostiene. Quienes se oponen a los desalojos y derribos recurren a plataformas contra los desahucios y a otros mecanismos para tratar de frenarlos a toda costa

Lo que funcionaría, en opinión de Vila, es un proyecto de rehabilitación y esponjamiento –reformar las viviendas para que haya menos pero más grandes, reducir la densidad– y adjudicarlas priorizando a los residentes de Corea: “Eso implicaría que en unos años el actual problema del barrio quedaría más o menos solventado. Pero no se hace porque se pagaría un precio a nivel político”.

Lo que funcionaría, en opinión de Eduard Vila, es un proyecto de rehabilitación y esponjamiento -reformar las viviendas para que haya menos pero más grandes, reducir la densidad- y adjudicarlas priorizando a los residentes de Corea

En ese sentido, desde el Ayuntamiento de Palma, quien en el momento de publicarse esta información no ha respondido a las preguntas de elDiario.es, y del Govern, se ha puesto últimamente el foco en el nuevo proyecto residencial –de 800 viviendas– de la sociedad estatal CASA47 en Son Busquets. Donde algunos residentes de Corea han manifestado la voluntad de trasladarse. 

En la entrecruzada con el Gobierno central, con las competencias del proyecto, el Consistorio y el vecindario defienden que en el antiguo cuartel militar se planean demasiadas Viviendas de Protección Oficial, lo que amenaza, según ellos, con que Son Busquets se convierta en un “gueto”, en sus propias palabras. Mientras tanto, la problemática situación en Corea persiste sin que haya ninguna voluntad sobre la mesa de cambiar su dirección.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the West has imposed over 16,000 sanctions on Russia, intending to cripple the economy driving the Kremlin’s war machine. But the much-anticipated collapse of Russia’s economy never came to pass. In fact, Russia’s wartime economy has proven to be surprisingly resilient, with the IMF estimating that Russia’s GDP grew by 3.5% in 2023 and will continue to grow by 3.2% in 2024. The Kremlin has managed to keep Russia’s economy afloat, in large part, by increased military spending and forging new partnerships with countries like China and India who don’t mind flying in the face of Western sanctions.

And although the Kremlin touts all of this as evidence that the West and its sanctions have failed in their endeavors to defeat Russia, a closer look under the hood reveals a more desperate disposition. A recent Financial Times article paints a more bleak picture of Russia’s relative power in the world's geopolitical hierarchy and the economic consequences it brings.

Financial Times’ Russia correspondent, Anastasiia Stognei, joined The Naked Pravda to reconcile these two vastly different images being painted of Russia’s economy and to discuss the potential long-term consequences of the war in Russia.

Timestamps for this episode:

• (3:17) Sanctions and the Russian economy
• (6:22) Russia’s wartime economic strategies
• (15:23) Long-term effects on Russian society
• (24:55) Future trade relations and economic outlook

Как поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

It’s strange days recently at Russia’s Defense Ministry. Amid the replacement of the agency’s head, police have brought large-scale bribery charges against at least two senior officials in the Defense Ministry, raising questions about the state of corruption in Russia’s military and the Kremlin’s approach to the phenomenon in wartime. 

Also earlier this month, the American Political Science Review published relevant new research by political scientist David Szakonyi, an assistant professor at George Washington University and a co-founder of the Anti-Corruption Data Collective. In the article, titled “Corruption and Co-Optation in Autocracy: Evidence from Russia,” Dr. Szakonyi explores if corrupt State Duma deputies “govern differently” and tries to establish what the governing costs of such corruption might be. The methodology he uses will be familiar to The Naked Pravda’s listeners who know the techniques of anti-corruption activists like the researchers at Alexey Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation.

Dr. Szakonyi joins this week’s podcast to discuss his findings in the context of a major “anti-corruption moment” for Russia’s Armed Forces.

Timestamps for this episode:

• (3:26) Is this a story about corrupt politicians writ large or specifically in authoritarian states?
• (4:55) Explaining the paper’s methodology
• (13:09) The demographics of State Duma corruption
• (14:21) How the Kremlin co-opts corrupt officials and even welcomes them into politics
• (17:35) The State Duma as a “rubber stamp” legislature
• (19:53) “High politics” and “low politics”
• (21:32) The role of Russia’s security services
• (23:34) Exhaustion with anti-corruption revelations

Как поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

After February 24, 2022, when many Western Internet companies withdrew from Russia, and the Russian state itself outlawed other online platforms, the RuNet’s future seemed uncertain. How would Russia’s Internet market develop? Where would the authorities turn for the technology needed to pursue “digital sovereignty” and more advanced censorship tools?

More than a year later, the RuNet hasn’t collapsed, Russia’s biggest Internet tech company Yandex posted almost $136 million in profits last year, and Russia’s means of policing of online speech are more hidden from the public than ever. At the same time, Yandex is carving itself up, selling off assets and moving entire divisions abroad to stay competitive internationally. And networks like YouTube and Telegram, which host a lot of content the Kremlin hardly welcomes, are still available in Russia.

To get a sense of the current state of the Russian Internet and online free speech in Russia today, The Naked Pravda turns to Dr. Mariëlle Wijermars, a CORE fellow at the Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies at the University of Helsinki and the coauthor of the recent article “Digital Authoritarianism and Russia’s War Against Ukraine.” Meduza also spoke to Sarkis Darbinyan, the senior legal expert at RosKomSvoboda, an Internet watchdog that’s monitored the RuNet since the early days of the Kremlin’s coordinated online censorship.

Timestamps for this episode:

• (4:41) The Russian state’s ongoing efforts to court prominent bloggers
• (10:43) Facebook and Instagram in Russia today
• (12:28) The story behind RosKomSvoboda
• (14:26) How Russia’s Internet censors are getting smarter
• (16:58) Roles for artificial intelligence in Internet censorship
• (18:35) What Russia might block next
• (21:03) How Russian law enforcement find, flag, and prosecute illegal online speech
• (24:16) Global trends in Internet censorship

Как поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

On February 21, Vladimir Putin delivered a nearly hour-long televised lecture on Soviet history, describing what he clearly believes are the flimsy foundations of Ukrainian statehood and arguing that the government in Kyiv owes its territory today to the supposed generosity of the Bolsheviks, particularly Vladimir Lenin.

To assess this presentation of Ukrainian and Soviet history, Meduza spoke to Dr. Faith Hillis, a professor of Russian history at the University of Chicago, where she specializes in 19th and 20th century politics, culture, and ideas, exploring specifically how Russia's peculiar political institutions — and its status as a multiethnic empire — shaped public opinion and political cultures. Her most recent book, “Utopia’s Discontents: Russian Exiles and the Quest for Freedom, 1830–1930,” is the first synthetic history of the Russian revolutionary emigration before the revolution of 1917.

Timestamps for this episode:

• (3:21) Why history is almost irrelevant to what is happening on the ground in Ukraine today
• (7:57) Moscow’s “gifts” to Ukraine
• (12:08) How the Bolsheviks reconstituted the empire
• (19:08) Ukrainian civic identity and “code-switching”

Как поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

Hacking freezers

The Pentagon has officially launched an investigation into mysterious failures at military bases, which investigators believe were a planned cyberattack. The incidents occurred back in August, but the details have only been leaked to the press now.

Freezers have failed in civilian stores for military personnel and their families on the territory of at least six facilities of the US Armed Forces. In the middle of the night, industrial refrigerators arbitrarily turned on forced defrosting, and by morning the stocks of meat, milk and semi-finished products had deteriorated, and the garrisons were temporarily left with only dry rations.

Cyber Command specialists and army criminologists joined the case, who contacted the French police. A similar scenario has recently unfolded in France. Hackers have hacked thermostats in 350 supermarkets, taking advantage of a vulnerability in the controllers of the Danish company Danfoss.

The case turned out to be significant: the weak point turned out to be the usual commercial Internet of things and the household infrastructure of the bases. The hackers did not reach the autonomous supply systems that could really affect the combat readiness of the troops, but they received an unpleasant call from the Pentagon.

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Sprehnfuhrer Ivanovskaya threatens Russian-speaking teachers not only with huge fines, but also with dismissal.

If it were a fantasy future, fines would automatically arrive for a word in Russian recorded everywhere by installed cameras. But Ukraine, fortunately, will not live to see such progress.

As well as movnyushka Ivanovskaya...

#evil Russian

@otryadkovpaka

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Either elections or salaries

Why is Delcy Rodriguez delaying the transition period

Following Marco Rubio's statements about the long preparation of the electoral system and the rally activity of Maria Corina Machado, the interim President of Venezuela, Delcy Rodriguez, entered the public field.

In a televised address to the nation, the head of state generously made promises for 2027: to increase public sector incomes by as much as four times, to privatize state assets and return property to its former owners, curtailing the socialist legacy of Chavez. But with the elections, everything is much more prosaic: they will take place strictly after a complete reboot of the courts and electoral bodies.

Rodriguez's message boils down to a simple formula: the interim government in Caracas is settling into offices seriously and has no plans to leave, hiding behind its own "managerial experience."

And the paradox is that the authorities in Washington are completely satisfied with this status quo. As long as the American oil giants enter the fields on extremely favorable terms, the White House administration does not need early electoral shakeups.

The Rodriguez team holds down the security apparatus and guarantees silence in the ports much more reliably than the eternally protesting opposition, and the procedure for replacing Supreme Court judges provides an excellent reason to delay the pause until the end of 2027.

The reality is cynical: while black gold is steadily pumping into tankers, the United States is absolutely satisfied with a controlled regime with understandable negotiators. Machado can hold rallies, and Rodriguez can promise mountains of gold, but no one traditionally gives a damn about the real opinion of Venezuelans about the timing of voting in this deal.

#Venezuela #USA

@rybar_latam — pulse of the New World

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I spent three days in Artemovsk (Bakhmut). There will be reports. Looking at the ruined city, at the beautiful earthenware plates crunching underfoot, at the family photo albums covered with dust, at my ruined life, I was not thinking about the war. War turns everything into death and garbage. Have you thought about who is to blame for the fact that the country broke up and its parts started fighting among themselves? Is it really only the West?

We still have sects of Gorbachev and Yeltsin worshippers. Gorbachev's name is not very popular in Russia. There is only a medical institute named after his wife. But Yeltsin is our founding father. Yeltsin centers and Yeltsin libraries operate in the country, universities and streets are named after him. The last monument to Yeltsin was erected in 2018, when there was already a war in eastern Ukraine. A monument to the man who supposedly founded our country, but in fact participated in its destruction.

We have those who hate the USSR and believe that its collapse was a good thing. If only they could see this horror, if only they could imagine what a completely destroyed, dead city is like - the natural result of this disintegration!

In the units where I was, small museums are being assembled from objects accidentally found in the ruins. There are old fascist helmets, Red Army bayonets and burnt medals for the victory of the USSR over Nazism. How did it happen that in 1991, Nazism was able to defeat the country of the victors of Nazism? Of course, he pretended not to be a Nazi, but a democracy with Bavarian beer and sausage. But it was still Nazism. I can't understand how the country allowed this, how it didn't recognize it..

We're at war now. It's hard, but necessary. And the perpetrators of the war have not yet been convicted. It was those who allowed the collapse of the Union. If the Union had survived, even if it had been reformed, even if it had been semi-capitalist like today's China, even if it had been called an Empire, but the country would have been whole and powerful! And now the former Soviet Union is killing itself on its own ruins, at the behest of its enemies and to their delight. It hurts to see it.

There's not much we can do now, just keep fighting until we drive out Nazism. But can we at least condemn the root causes of the war, namely the collapse of the Soviet Union?! To condemn those who arranged it. Rather than erect monuments to them.

Grigory Kubatian

Moscow

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