After nearly 10 months abroad, María Corina Machado, the anti-Chavista opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has returned to Venezuela. “I am here, with you,” the opposition figure wrote on social media on Sunday morning.

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“Meloni ci dice che l’unica persona che può mandarla via sono gli italiani. Io, in quanto cittadina brasiliana, non ancora meritevole della cittadinanza italiana nonostante sia qui da quando avevo sette anni, le direi di guardare in faccia gli italiani e farsi dire che cosa vogliono. Perché lo stanno dicendo a gran voce da giorni”. Júlia ha 23 anni, è studentessa e ha l’accento barese, ma non gli stessi diritti dei suoi amici. È una delle voci del corteo spontaneo che ieri ha attraversato il centro di Bari, da piazza Ferrarese al porto.

Non tutti si riconoscono in un movimento preciso: alcuni dicono di far parte del Movimento 17 ottobre, altri sono semplici cittadini, come lei. “Fino all’ultimo non sapevo che fare, poi abbiamo deciso semplicemente di esserci e di iniziare a camminare”, ha raccontato Júlia, che ha sfilato insieme a centinaia di giovani per le vie del centro storico barese. Attorno a lei, studenti e lavoratori hanno marciato sotto la pioggia, tra tamburelli, musica e slogan. “Vogliamo diritti, ma ci danno polizia”, hanno gridato i manifestanti. Ai lati della strada, alcuni commercianti hanno osservato preoccupati il passaggio del corteo. “Chiudere i negozi, abbassare le serrande, come se fossimo terroristi”, ha detto la studentessa, che ha poi aggiunto: “Bari è una piazza pacifica. Stiamo parlando di problemi concreti, cercando di portare alla luce quelli del Sud, troppo spesso ignorato“. Marco, 20 anni, elettricista di Rutigliano, ha invitato a guardare oltre le immagini degli scontri: “Camminare, parlare, con la musica. Questi sono i veri momenti da ascoltare, non quello che spacca le vetrine, non quello che fa il dito medio alle telecamere”. A tenere insieme le storie è la difficoltà di immaginare un futuro. Júlia ha spiegato di non poter contare sul sostegno della famiglia: “Vivere qui a Bari significa dover fare i conti con monolocali a 800 euro, prezzi irraggiungibili”. Anche studiare diventa difficile, tra strutture inadeguate, trasporti inefficienti e pochi servizi.

Marta, 22 anni, studia scultura all’Accademia di Belle Arti di Bari. “Non c’è nemmeno l’argilla all’università”, ha raccontato con amarezza. Vorrebbe aprire una bottega. E’ il suo sogno, ma i costi la frenano. “Vorrei avere un piccolo laboratorio, ma dovrei spendere, spendere e spendere ancora”. Per molti partire sembra l’unica alternativa. “Se dobbiamo essere così tanto oppressi, io preferisco andarmene, anche se mi dispiacerebbe“, ha concluso Marco. Il corteo si è poi sciolto in serata, ma resta la domanda che attraversa le voci raccolte in strada: quale futuro per una generazione che non si sente ascoltata.

L'articolo La protesta a Bari: “Meloni guardi in faccia gli italiani e ascolti”. “In corteo anche per il Sud troppo spesso ignorato” proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

Lo scrittore e attivista Mario Capanna, ospite ieri sera 24 ottobre de “L’Elefante”, il programma condotto da Peter Gomez su Rai 3 e disponibile su RaiPlay, è intervenuto in merito alle recenti proteste che stanno attraversando il Paese da Nord a Sud. “Confesso una mia inclinazione: tengo a difendere i giovani anche quando hanno torto, cercando però di capire e spiegare le ragioni che li spingono ad agire”, ha detto,

Commentando i disordini e le devastazioni avvenuti durante le manifestazioni giovanili a Milano e in altre città, Capanna ha invitato a guardare oltre la cronaca degli scontri: “I giovani violenti che hanno saccheggiato Milano rappresentano ciò che molti considerano indicibile, ma sono anche il prodotto di una società e di una democrazia che esercitano a loro volta forme di violenza”.

L’ex leader del Movimento studentesco ha quindi allargato la riflessione alle crescenti disuguaglianze economiche e sociali “Siamo arrivati a quella che i sociologi chiamano la società dell’1%, nella quale una ristretta élite concentra ricchezza e potere in misura mai vista prima. Non si è mai assistito a un accaparramento così oligopolistico delle risorse economiche e finanziarie”.

Capanna ha messo a confronto l’esperienza della sua generazione con quella dei giovani di oggi: “Noi avevamo la sensazione di poter conquistare il futuro e, almeno in parte, ci siamo riusciti. Oggi molti ragazzi vivono una condizione completamente diversa: non vedono prospettive, faticano a immaginare il proprio domani e si trovano schiacciati da un senso di precarietà permanente. Oggi la prima causa di morte tra i giovani tra i 14 e i 24 anni è il suicidio”.

L'articolo “I ragazzi non vedono prospettive e si trovano schiacciati dalla precarietà permanente. Oggi la prima causa di morte tra i giovani tra i 14 e i 24 anni è il suicidio”: così Mario Capanna proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

Il Moto Gp a Phillip Island, in Australia, è stato annullato a causa delle cattive condizioni del meteo. La gara era stata inizialmente posticipata alle 5 a causa della scarsa visibilità e della pioggia, che compromettevano le possibilità di volo agli elicotteri di soccorso. Marc Marquez non ha dunque avuto la possibilità di allungare il suo vantaggio nel campionato del mondo su Jorge Martin, infortunato. Gli organizzatori hanno deciso di cancellare la gara nonostante il tutto esaurito. Anche le gare di Moto3 e Moto2 sono state annullate.

Come sta Jorge Martin – Il contendente al titolo è stato escluso a causa di una frattura al braccio. Un duro colpo per le speranze di campionato del mondo del pilota. Martin, spagnolo dell’Aprilia, è caduto dalla sua moto ad alta velocità durante la gara Sprint, mentre lottava per la testa della corsa con il vincitore Marc Marquez all’ottavo giro, scivolando nella ghiaia. È stato portato al centro medico del circuito dopo la caduta e l’Aprilia ha dichiarato che è stato “dichiarato non idoneo” a correre oggi. Inizialmente si temeva che avesse riportato due fratture all’avambraccio vicino al polso e che Martin potesse dover tornare in Spagna per un intervento chirurgico. Ma le radiografie hanno mostrato che si trattava di una sola frattura, “non scomposta”, il che significa che l’osso è rimasto allineato.

“L’unico infortunio confermato è una frattura non scomposta del radio distale”, ha dichiarato il team. “Di conseguenza, il pilota non tornerà in Spagna e si sottoporrà alle cure necessarie nei prossimi giorni.” Dopo l’Australia, restano quattro tappe della stagione, con il Gran Premio della Malesia in programma il prossimo fine settimana. La vittoria nello sprint per Marquez, della Ducati, ha permesso al pilota di portarsi a 10 punti di vantaggio su Martin in classifica, in vista dell’ultimo Gran Premio di MotoGP sul circuito di Phillip Island, domenica prossima. Intanto la gara è in dubbio, dato che finora non si sono svolte prove in pista a causa della pioggia e della scarsa visibilità.

L'articolo MotoGp, la gara in Australia annullata per maltempo: Marquez non allunga, le condizioni di Jorge Martin proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

Venezuela’s new food security plan aims to eliminate undernourishment by 2030 through domestic production and expanded distribution.

Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez has launched a national food security plan aimed at eliminating undernourishment by 2030, combining domestic production with an expanded distribution network and cooperation between public institutions and private businesses.

RELATED: Venezuela Oil Production Hits 1.25 Million Barrels Daily in Major Recovery

The Venezuela Alimenta Hambre Cero (Venezuela Feeds: Zero Hunger) plan was launched Saturday alongside the opening of the 250th facility in the Mercal and PDVAL food distribution networks in La Trinidad. The rollout also included the deployment of 100 mobile food outlets nationwide and the simultaneous opening of 10 supermarket-style establishments in other regions.

The new facility features a meat-cutting center for retail sales. According to the government, more than 90% of Venezuela’s food supply comes from domestic production, which it identifies as a foundation for improving access to essential goods across the country.

“All efforts, all capacities, the local economy, the large agro-industrial sector, the entire distribution and logistics network, financial resources and fuel incentives will be brought together to achieve this strategic objective,” Acting President said during a broadcast on state television channel Venezolana de Televisión.

First announced on Oct. 12, 2026, at the Food and Agriculture Organization’s World Food Forum in Rome, the plan is built around six strategic areas designed to coordinate government and private sector efforts. These include support for community-based economic activity and local entrepreneurship through a proposed Local Economy Law.

The initiative also prioritizes scientific innovation in nutrition and the development of statistical monitoring and oversight systems.

“We are very close to achieving our zero-hunger goal. We made this commitment to the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations), to the country and to our citizens,” Delcy Rodríguez said.

She also pointed to the effects of unilateral coercive measures imposed by the United States, saying they had restricted access to financing, agricultural inputs, technology and spare parts needed to sustain domestic production chains.

Senior government officials responsible for the economy, digital government, food, youth, industry and commerce, agriculture, and science and technology attended the launch.

Private sector representatives included Ítalo Atencio, president of the National Association of Supermarkets and Self-Service Stores (ANSA), and Juvenal Arbeláez, president of the Venezuelan Chamber of the Food Industry (CAVIDEA).

The plan brings together food distribution infrastructure, domestic production and public-private cooperation as Venezuela pursues its goal of eliminating undernourishment by 2030.

Students, unions and families of protest victims demand action on extortion, environmental damage, living costs and police reform.

Young people, students, trade unions and human rights groups marched through central Lima on Saturday, demanding that President Keiko Fujimori’s government address rising extortion, deadly forest fires, the cost of living and alleged impunity for state repression.

RELATED: Peru Reached $4.813 Billion in Mining Investment Between January-August

Demonstrators began gathering at 4 p.m. in San Martín Square, a historic rallying point for popular movements in Peru. Participants included students from San Marcos and Catholic universities, human rights organizations, trade unions and members of the self-organized Generation Z movement.

The protests unfolded amid mounting concern over forest fires that have affected 16 regions across the country. Figures from Peru’s National Emergency Operations Center and the National Institute of Civil Defense recorded 479 emergencies, leaving 12 people dead and 708 displaced or otherwise affected.

The fires destroyed 1,299 hectares of crops and more than 13,800 hectares of natural vegetation, while also causing significant damage to local wildlife and livestock.

Text Reads: 🚨 #URGENT | Against extortion and the environmental crisis: young people and social groups protest in downtown Lima

Carrying banners calling for an end to the fires, police reform and solidarity with affected communities, demonstrators marched along Jirón de la Unión and Grau and Abancay avenues. Police blocked the procession from approaching the grounds of Congress.

Environmental concerns featured prominently in the march, with protesters criticizing what they described as inadequate government preparation and response to fires in the Andean highlands and Amazonian regions, including Cusco, Puno, Junín, Apurímac, Áncash, Huancavelica, Arequipa, Amazonas and Cajamarca.

One young demonstrator denounced the lack of firefighting teams, funding and preventive measures, arguing that the fires were extinguished only after rain arrived. The crisis, she said, had inflicted heavy losses on rural farmers and Indigenous communities.

Another protester highlighted flooding caused by heavy rains in Piura, in northern Peru, and the absence of a strategic plan to address the El Niño phenomenon. She also pointed to corruption in reconstruction projects and the neglect of infrastructure serving working-class communities.

Extortion was another central grievance. Transport workers, shopkeepers and small-business owners in working-class neighborhoods have been among those affected by the crime, according to the protest account. Demonstrators called for far-reaching police reform to dismantle corruption networks within the security forces and prioritize intelligence gathering and community-based prevention over the repression of social protests.

Families of people killed during social protests between December 2022 and June 2023 also joined the march, carrying photographs of their relatives and demanding justice. Their presence underscored the demonstrators’ broader call for accountability from a government they accuse of perpetuating impunity.

Nearly 1,000 arrests after another weekend of demonstrations expose a government squeezed between legitimate public anger and violent disorder. France requires a conservative response that defends taxpayers, businesses and the rule of law.

France’s latest weekend of protest presents Emmanuel Macron with a question that presidential speeches cannot settle: can his government protect ordinary citizens while addressing the grievances driving them onto the streets?

Nearly 1,000 arrests were reported after Saturday’s demonstrations, with clashes in Paris and other cities. Most participants protested peacefully over education and living costs. But masked groups again turned public mobilisation into confrontation, leaving police to restore order.

From a conservative perspective, this matters enormously. Peaceful assembly belongs to the democratic inheritance France should defend. Throwing projectiles at officers, intimidating businesses and destroying property belong in the criminal courts. Economic hardship explains anger; it does not confer permission to terrorise a neighbourhood.

The Interior Ministry counted 410,000 demonstrators nationwide, while the CGT union estimated nearly 800,000. Authorities deployed 70,000 officers, supported by helicopters and armoured vehicles. Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez said the operation helped prevent a repetition of the previous weekend’s widespread looting.

That offers some reassurance. Yet a country requiring such an extraordinary deployment to contain weekend demonstrations has a deeper problem than crowd management. Police can clear a junction. They cannot, by themselves, rebuild confidence in a political class that many citizens believe no longer understands their lives.

The most easily overlooked people are those with the least protection: independent shopkeepers, employees losing shifts, residents trapped behind barricades and taxpayers financing the response. Their interests deserve the same attention as the demands carried on banners. Keeping a business open is also a contribution to national life.

The BBC reported that shops were boarded up, cultural institutions closed and more than 20 Paris metro stations shut. These precautions may have been necessary, but they also demonstrate how disorder imposes costs far beyond those directly involved. A disrupted capital is a warning about the erosion of everyday freedom.

The government’s responsibility therefore extends beyond announcing arrest totals. Suspected offenders should face prompt, fair proceedings, with meaningful penalties where guilt is established. Where legally appropriate, those responsible for deliberate damage should contribute towards repairs. Public confidence depends on consequences that are visible, proportionate and consistently applied.

Consistency also requires rejecting violence from every political direction. Regional authorities reported that far-right extremists fought demonstrators in Nice, where 11 people were arrested. A credible conservative position cannot excuse street intimidation because its perpetrators claim patriotic motives. The law loses authority whenever political allegiance becomes an unofficial exemption.

Nevertheless, restoring order cannot substitute for governing competently. The movement grew from complaints about school staffing and resources into broader protests over household costs. Those concerns deserve answers. Parents expecting functioning classrooms and workers struggling to afford necessities are asking whether the state delivers what it promises.

The conservative answer should begin with value for money. Before reaching automatically for additional taxation or borrowing, ministers should explain where existing resources go, which programmes deliver results and which administrative burdens consume money better spent on essential services. Public expenditure should be judged by outcomes rather than the generosity of announcements.

There is an equally strong case for policies that reward employment, investment and enterprise. A government cannot sustainably improve living standards while treating the businesses creating jobs as an inexhaustible source of revenue. Nor can it promise every constituency protection from difficult choices. Credibility requires priorities, arithmetic and candour.

Macron’s political opponents will understandably seek advantage. But opposition leaders should be judged by whether they offer workable government, including a clear rejection of intimidation. Encouraging public anger is easier than reconciling demands for better services, affordable living and sound finances. France needs politicians prepared to explain those trade-offs honestly.

The immediate task is to keep streets safe. The larger task is to make democratic government effective enough that citizens trust its decisions. France needs firm policing, accountable institutions and economic realism. Unless its leaders provide all three, each weekend of unrest risks becoming another advertisement for the failure of the governing establishment.

France’s Unrest Exposes a New Front in Russia’s Information War Against Europe

A Igreja Matriz de Quelfes recebe, no próximo dia 25 de outubro, pelas 19:00, o concerto “Paisagens de sonho”, integrado no ciclo APOS – Música Clássica no Território, que faz parte da programação cultural comemorativa do Bicentenário da Câmara Municipal de Olhão (1826-2026).

Organizado pelo Município de Olhão e pela Associação de Valorização do Património Cultural e Ambiental de Olhão (APOS), o concerto propõe uma viagem sensorial e emocional pelas sonoridades do quarteto de cordas em diálogo com o clarinete, num programa que percorre diferentes épocas e linguagens musicais.

O repertório inclui obras de Alexander Glazunov, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart e Elaine Fine, conjugando atmosferas delicadas e contemplativas com paisagens sonoras intensas e uma abordagem contemporânea.

A interpretação estará a cargo dos solistas da Orquestra do Algarve Emil Chitakov e Ana Socorro, nos violinos; Leonel Andrade, na viola; Ana Luísa Marques, no violoncelo; e Pedro Nuno, no clarinete.

Com uma duração aproximada de 49 minutos, este concerto convida o público a descobrir a música clássica num ambiente de proximidade, valorizando simultaneamente a programação cultural do Bicentenário e o património do concelho.

A entrada é livre.

O conteúdo Igreja Matriz de Quelfes recebe concerto do ciclo APOS no âmbito do Bicentenário aparece primeiro em Sempre à Mão.

Luisa González’s lawyers allege arbitrary detention and procedural violations after her arrest on Oct. 22 in a case linked to campaign finances.

Ecuadorian opposition leader Luisa González’s arrest has prompted her lawyers to accuse President Daniel Noboa’s government of selective prosecution, citing alleged procedural violations and inconsistencies in the financial evidence underpinning the case.

RELATED: Ecuador Transfers Luisa González to Riobamba Prison

González, a former presidential candidate and leading figure in the Revolución Ciudadana movement, was arrested on Oct. 22. Her lawyer, Diego Guarderas, disputes the allegations linked to campaign finances and argues that authorities have treated similar cases involving the ruling party differently.

In an interview with CNN, Guarderas questioned figures attributed to Ecuador’s Financial and Economic Analysis Unit (UAFE), which he said changed at different stages of the investigation. According to the defense, the amounts cited ranged from $6,000 to $500,000 and $700,000, while the technical report recorded $204,000.

Text Reads: Under a heavy hailstorm, the militants of Revolución Ciudadana remain outside the Flagrancy Unit following the detention of political leader Luisa González.

The legal team argues that discrepancies in campaign accounting have been treated as evidence of money laundering without sufficient technical justification. Guarderas maintains that the shifting figures undermine the legal basis of the accusations against González.

He also pointed to what he described as unequal treatment of campaign-finance irregularities. Ecuador’s National Electoral Council identified inconsistencies exceeding $408,000 in the campaign of Acción Democrática Nacional (ADN), Noboa’s party. According to the defense, prosecutors have not opened an investigation into those findings.

Lawyers challenge arrest and transfer

González’s lawyers have also challenged the procedures leading to her arrest. They say she was informed of the charges only 30 minutes before the hearing at which they were formally presented.

The defense further disputes the jurisdiction of the judges who presided over the hearing, arguing that they failed to account for the provincial jurisdictional privilege of other defendants in the case.

Her legal team has also challenged her transfer from Quito to a prison in Riobamba, about four hours from the capital. Guarderas said a judicial order had required González to remain in Quito to protect the rights of her minor child and her father, who has kidney disease.

Text Reads: Protest rally called at the Prosecutor’s Office in Quito, Ecuador, against the Government of President Daniel Noboa. Lawmakers demand an end to political persecution and request information on the whereabouts of Luisa González, calling for justice and due process.

Despite the order, authorities moved her during a nighttime operation, which Guarderas described as clandestine. He argued that the transfer obstructed the preparation of her defense and violated the judge’s instructions.

Opposition alleges political persecution

Revolución Ciudadana has described the case as political persecution intended to weaken the opposition and prevent González from competing politically. Guarderas likewise accused Noboa’s administration of using judicial proceedings to target prominent opponents.

These allegations remain the position of González’s defense and have not been independently established in the information available for this report.

González’s lawyers said they would file legal challenges seeking to reverse her transfer and report the alleged violations of due process. The case remains before Ecuador’s courts, with the defense contesting both the financial evidence and the procedures that led to her arrest and imprisonment.

El presidente vuelve a ser candidato. Y se le nota. Habla con soltura, esquiva dardos, se planta con una sonrisa. Pedro Sánchez, a quien, tras la condena de su hermano y la crisis de Ceuta, se le veía debilitado, da la impresión de haber renacido con el 29-N, sus sextas elecciones generales. “Estos comicios se pueden resumir en una idea muy sencilla: o avanza el pasado o avanza España”, afirma.

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Um ciclista de 74 anos sofreu ferimentos graves depois de a bicicleta em que seguia ter-se despistado na freguesia de Aguiã, esta tarde, em Arcos de Valdevez.

Prestaram socorro os Bombeiros de Arcos de Valdevez apoiados pelo INEM, através da SIV de Arcos de Valdevez e da VMER do Alto Minho.

Segundo a Rádio Vale do Minho, a vítima foi transportada em estado grave para o Hospital de São João, no Porto.

O alerta foi dado cerca das 14:30 horas.

A GNR registou a ocorrência.

O conteúdo Despiste de bicicleta faz um ferido grave em Arcos de Valdevez aparece primeiro em O MINHO.

• When a member of Gen Z smells good, you can probably thank Sol de Janeiro.
• I'm a millennial and new to the brand, so I tried six of its popular fragrances.
• The best scent, in my opinion, is also one of the brand's most underrated.

Millennials had Victoria's Secret and Bath & Body Works. Gen Z has Sol de Janeiro.

The body, hair, and fragrance brand, founded in 2015, has become a major player in the industry. A 2025 fiscal year report from L'Occitane Group, Sol de Janeiro's parent company, said the brand accounted for 31.6% of the group's sales. The report also described Sol de Janeiro as Sephora North America's No. 1 beauty brand and the No. 1 fragrance brand on Amazon US at the time.

Two Sol de Janeiro products have led that charge. First, millennials embraced the $48 Brazilian Bum Bum Cream after it launched in 2015, turning it into a skincare staple.

Tweens and teens have now become obsessed with the $39 Cheirosa perfume mists, the first of which debuted in 2020. The sprays have become a staple of young people's shopping hauls, holiday wish lists, and what's-in-my-bag videos.

The brand confirmed to Business Insider that its three most popular scents are Cheirosa 62, 40, and 68.

I'm a big fragrance fan myself, but I had yet to try the perfume mists. So I went to Ulta Beauty, purchased a $49 sample set of six Sol de Janeiro scents, and tested them on my skin.

Considering each mist's scent, staying power, wearability, and personal preference, here's how I'd rank them from worst to best.

I wish the Cheirosa 71 mist had more depth.

If there's one thing I love more than fragrances, it's sweet treats — so Cheirosa 71 should have worked for me.

Sol de Janeiro says the scent is inspired by the iconic Confeitaria Colombo bakery in Brazil, with notes of caramelized vanilla, toasted macadamia nut, sea salt, white chocolate, and tonka bean.

When I tried it, the mist smelled more like a gingerbread cookie to me. Then, as it settled, it transformed into something more reminiscent of a graham cracker drizzled with caramel.

Some critics of this scent say it smells like buttered popcorn. I didn't notice that on my skin.

Instead, it reminded me of a holiday hand sanitizer from Bath & Body Works. I can appreciate the scent for a moment, but I don't want it to linger all day. It's too strong and sickly sweet for me.

Cheirosa 62 is Sol de Janeiro's most famous scent, but it's not my favorite.

I'll be honest. I was never that impressed by Cheirosa 62, the scent made famous by the brand's Brazilian Bum Bum Cream.

Sol de Janeiro describes the fragrance as "irresistible and sunny." It's a nod to Brazil in 1962, when "The Girl from Ipanema" was written.

With notes of pistachio, almonds, heliotrope flower, jasmine petals, vanilla, salted caramel, and sandalwood, Cheirosa 62 is exactly that. I'd describe it as summer in a bottle.

That said, it also makes the fragrance seasonal for me. It just doesn't feel right to wear in the fall, winter, or spring.

I also think the notes lend themselves better to a richer, creamier product, like the Bum Bum cream.

The Cheirosa 39 mist stands out, which I appreciate.

If any Sol de Janeiro scent smells like buttered popcorn, I think it's this one.

This scent is meant to be beachy, as if you were lounging on a hammock with the breeze in your hair, Sol de Janeiro says. It has notes of coconut cream, toasted vanilla, tropical orchid, sandalwood, and praline.

When I first spray the mist, that combination smells like buttered popcorn on my skin. That's not any reflection of Sol de Janeiro. Perfumes smell different on everyone because of their individual skin chemistry.

But I'm not complaining. I actually like the scent. It's decadent, intriguing, and different than anything else in my fragrance collection.

The coconut and vanilla notes come through more as it settles, with florals peeking through. It takes some time, but it eventually transports me to an island.

So while I might not wear Cheirosa 39 every day, I will add it to my perfume rotation.

I feel fresh, youthful, and like I'm on vacation when I wear Cheirosa 68.

The Cheirosa 68 scent was inspired by Brazil's Tropicália Movement in 1968, which influenced the country's art, music, and culture.

It includes notes of dragonfruit, lychee essence, Brazilian jasmine, ocean air, hibiscus, vanilla, and musk.

To me, it smells sweet, sunny, and refreshing. I could see myself wearing it to the beach or for a night out with friends.

Considering my current fragrance lineup, I'll probably wear this on occasion when the weather is warmer. If I were a teen in 2026, though, I'd probably wear this Sol de Janeiro scent every day.

Cheirosa 40 reminds me of my favorite scent from Victoria's Secret.

The famous Carnaval Ball in Rio inspired the Cheirosa 40 perfume mist.

On its website, Sol de Janeiro says it's meant to be sultry and delicate, with notes of black amber plum, crème de cassis, jasmine, Brazilian orchid, vanilla, and musk.

In my experience, each of those notes comes through with a single spray of the fragrance. It's one of the most mature and longest-lasting scents in the lineup I tried.

It also reminds me of my favorite Victoria's Secret scent: Bombshell Intense. Naturally, I have to recommend it to fellow millennials looking to get in on the Sol de Janeiro trend.

I can't get enough of Cheirosa 48.

Sol de Janeiro says on its website that this scent should be as liberating as the "energy of 1948, when the bikini was first spotted in Brazil."

Liberating is accurate, but I'd also say this scent is exhilarating. Its notes blend guava nectar, coconut water, orchid, lemon, wild orris, pink musk, and vanilla.

Together, they create a fragrance that's as refreshing and exciting as a poolside drink in the summer. Still, the musk notes make it more versatile than a basic summer scent.

Cheirosa 48 is the Sol de Janeiro mist I'll be wearing year-round.

French authorities have imposed extensive restrictions on demonstrations following last weekend’s violence. Courts have overturned some bans, while unions have accepted a last-minute change to the Paris protest route.

French police used tear gas to disperse demonstrators in Lyon on Saturday morning, 24 October, as 70,000 police officers and gendarmes were deployed nationwide to prevent a repetition of the violence and looting that accompanied last weekend’s mass protests.

In Paris, trade unions agreed to a revised demonstration route after the administrative court rejected their challenge to a last-minute police order. The march will proceed from Porte d’Italie to Porte de Vincennes, rather than between Bastille and Nation as originally agreed, with the procession scheduled to begin at 2pm.

Elsewhere, emergency judicial decisions have complicated the government’s security arrangements. Courts have suspended restrictions in Limoges and several municipalities around Marseille, while other cities remain subject to extensive bans on public gatherings.

The developments follow last weekend’s nationwide unrest, when approximately 550,000 people demonstrated against rising living costs, deteriorating public services and conditions in French schools. Violence erupted in several cities, leaving businesses looted, public buildings damaged and police officers injured.

Security operation on an unprecedented scale

Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez has ordered the deployment of 10,000 additional officers compared with 17 October. The operation includes specialist police units, armoured vehicles, helicopters and water cannon.

According to the government’s official security instructions, prefects must examine proposed demonstration routes, assess the reliability of organisers and take preventive measures where there is evidence of a risk to public order.

The authorities are particularly concerned about organised groups exploiting otherwise peaceful demonstrations to attack commercial premises and government buildings.

Security services expect between 400,000 and 500,000 people to participate in Saturday’s mobilisation. The government has warned that calls for renewed violence and looting have circulated online.

The previous weekend’s disturbances resulted in thousands of arrests. Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin said 217 people had already received prison sentences, with approximately half described as first-time offenders.

Courts challenge sweeping restrictions

The government’s measures have prompted an increasingly contentious legal dispute over the constitutional protection of public demonstrations.

The French Human Rights League has challenged restrictions in several cities, including Brest, Quimper, Caen, Marseille, Lille and Montpellier. It argues that extensive prohibitions interfere with freedom of assembly, expression and movement.

In Marseille, negotiations between local authorities and trade unions resulted in permission for a demonstration along an agreed route through the city. A separate administrative court decision subsequently suspended parts of the wider departmental ban, allowing gatherings in Gardanne, Istres, Martigues, Miramas and Tarascon.

The administrative court in Limoges also suspended restrictions on gatherings of more than ten people in the city centre and overturned an associated curfew.

In Lyon, however, restrictions remained in force across a large central area. Police dispersed approximately 150 demonstrators near Lyon III University shortly before 11am after participants blocked traffic close to the prohibited perimeter.

Macron faces a constitutional and political challenge

President Emmanuel Macron has argued that protecting public order must take priority following the destruction witnessed on 17 October.

His suggestion on Thursday that demonstrations not organised by recognised trade unions should generally be prohibited prompted legal challenges from opposition parties and civil liberties organisations.

In a ruling delivered on 23 October, the Conseil d’État rejected challenges to Macron’s remarks, finding that they did not themselves constitute a binding nationwide prohibition. The court nevertheless reaffirmed that prefects must assess individual demonstrations according to the circumstances and risks involved.

The ruling leaves local restrictions subject to judicial scrutiny rather than providing the government with unrestricted authority to prohibit protests.

Meanwhile, the movement’s original demands remain unresolved. What began with secondary-school students protesting against staff shortages, overcrowding and educational conditions has expanded into a broader mobilisation involving trade unions, university students and Yellow Vest campaigners.

Macron met representatives of secondary-school students on Friday, but participants subsequently called for demonstrations to continue until concrete proposals were presented.

Growing pressure ahead of the presidential election

The renewed mobilisation comes six months before France’s presidential election, in which Macron cannot seek a third consecutive term.

Political tensions are also evident in Orléans, where thousands of demonstrators gathered on Saturday to oppose the National Rally’s weekend party congress. Authorities deployed additional security personnel and restricted the location of the protest.

For the government, the immediate objective is to prevent another outbreak of large-scale violence. For unions and civil liberties organisations, the dispute increasingly concerns the conditions under which public protest may legitimately be restricted.

As EU Today reported ahead of Saturday’s demonstrations, the central legal question is whether prohibitions are proportionate to identifiable security risks.

The courts have now begun answering that question differently across France, leaving the authorities to enforce a patchwork of restrictions as the country’s social and political confrontation continues.