Ukraine has finished its share of FREYJA, a joint European project to build a system against ballistic missiles, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told journalists on 17 October, Ukrinform reported. He added that Kyiv wants to test the first system as soon as possible.
Ukraine still relies on US-made Patriot interceptors to stop Russian ballistic missiles. Zelenskyy told ABC News on 23 October that Ukraine had received only 24 of them from the US in three months, while it needs 350 a month on average. FREYJA can not close that gap soon, because the system is still in development.
Zelenskyy said the partners’ share of the work, with 10 countries taking part, is still underway. He also said he had discussed the project with French President Emmanuel Macron, and he named Norway as a key partner.
Zelenskyy did not say what the partners still have to deliver. In August, he said Ukraine is capable of making the missile and launcher, while partners would supply critical components such as radars and sensors.
In May, Fire Point co-founder and chief designer Denys Shtilerman said all components of the FP-7.x interceptor are made in Ukraine except one. “As for that one part we don’t manufacture in Ukraine, we’ve contracted a certain quantity of it. We already have it,” he said, but did not name the part.
In June, however, Shtilerman told the Financial Times that mass production depended on an infrared seeker Fire Point hoped to get from Germany’s Diehl Defence. Neither statement says whether the seeker is that one part.
Fire Point co-founder Iryna Terekh said in September that FREYJA was going through testing and technical integration in combat conditions in Ukraine. The company plans its first intercept of a ballistic target by mid-2027.
The official timeline has since moved closer. On 21 October, Zelenskyy wrote that officials had identified where to speed up so FREYJA reaches testing by the end of this year. A test is still a step short of an intercept.
France is gearing up for another round of anti-austerity mobilizations on Saturday, October 31. As the weekend approaches, President Emmanuel Macron and Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu have still not substantially addressed the protest demands tabled by the student movement.
For the past weeks, students and their organizations have taken to the streets in the hundreds of thousands, denouncing the state of the education sector, including overcrowded classrooms, overworked teachers, and dilapidated buildings. Authorities have responded with a full-blown crackdown – police violence, curfews, and protest bans – while avoiding meaningful conversation about the protests’ causes.
“The authorities’ top priority is to strip the movement of the political meaning it carries: the condemnation of the neoliberal policy that has ruined the French education system,” presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon pointed out in a recent interview. “Young people are pulling at the thread of a larger unraveling.”
Lecornu and his ministers called a meeting with high school and university student groups on Monday, announcing the government was ready to open dialogue on their demands. Yet even before the meetings kicked off, a list of government-proposed measures published by the media only fueled frustration.
These measures included a transparency-oriented reform of the higher education recruitment platform Parcoursup, the creation of 15,000 additional higher education placements, low-interest loans to regional authorities for renovating school infrastructure, and the indexation of grants to inflation.
Students criticized the officials for attempting to set a negotiation agenda before even speaking to them. They also called them out for trying to break their unity by organizing separate meetings with different groups instead of a joint discussion. In this process, they emphasized, crucial voices were left out.
Among others, the Fédération Lycéenne des Quartiers (FLQ), representing high school students from working-class neighborhoods – the demographic group from which the protest wave originated – was not invited to meet Lecornu. Students interpreted this as yet another sign of the government’s failure to grasp what is at stake. “They see us first and foremost as ‘young people from the banlieues,’ rather than young people who, like everyone else, want to make their voices heard,” FLQ’s Soumaya Sarré told Mediapart.
The way meetings were set up was not the only problem. Following the publication of the government’s proposals, the university students’ association Union Étudiante described them as “crumbs” and detailed how they fail to address the movement’s concerns.
“There are not 15,000 places missing but at least 250,000,” the organization warned. “Where are those 250,000 places needed for young people who have been denied their right to education because of classist and racist selection?”
Union Étudiante similarly criticized the lack of clarity surrounding proposed financing for infrastructure investment, employment plans, and the promise to “reform” rather than abolish Parcoursup.
This last demand has become emblematic for the student movement over the past weeks of protest. Young people on the streets have repeatedly explained how the tool allows university selection to maintain racist and classist tones – all while pushing tens of thousands of students without placements toward the private sector.
“We are not asking for a reform that offers more transparency or clarity; we already know how the selection process works, and it will remain unjust even if the selection criteria are made public,” Union Étudiante wrote. “The problem is selection itself. Why should young people be denied the right to pursue higher education? We must abolish all forms of selection while keeping a centralized platform for enrolling in academic programs.”
Trade unions and progressive organizations continue to support the students ahead of Saturday’s demonstrations, while building toward a general strike on November 5. The networks remain connected over shared austerity-related problems, linking budget cuts in public services, attacks on pensions, and precarious working conditions.
In between regular nationwide mobilizations, the past few days have also seen significant protests against racism and the far right. After a racist attack in the Trappes working-class suburb of Paris last Friday – where one person was killed and five, including a 12-year-old, were seriously injured – calls are circulating for solidarity assemblies.
“This crime did not come out of nowhere,” wrote Saint-Denis mayor Bally Bagayoko. “For years, the perpetrator blamed ‘Black people and Arabs’ for all his misfortunes.”
“He claimed he wanted to avenge a looting that never actually happened – a piece of false information broadcast on television,” he added.
“This hatred has its architects: those who, hour after hour on the airwaves, designate our neighborhoods as the problem and ‘the other’ as a threat.”
The far-right National Rally – whose program ahead of the 2027 presidential election endorses exactly this vision of “the other” – held its congress in Orléans over the October 24-25 weekend. Approximately 26,000 people joined a local march against the policies endorsed by the party, signaling continuous resistance in the lead-up to the April 2027 presidential election.
If ever enacted, proposals by Marine Le Pen and the AfD leader, Alice Weidel, to hollow out EU institutions would be a continental act of self-harm
Following the Brexit referendum in 2016, Marine Le Pen was in a predictably celebratory mood. Britain’s vote to leave the European Union, she told one interviewer, was the first breach in the “Brussels Wall”. Ms Le Pen’s Front National party was at that point committed to taking France down the same path, given the chance. But as the UK’s self-inflicted economic wounds became a cautionary tale for the rest of Europe, the notion of Frexit was put on ice.
Instead, Ms Le Pen now hopes to lead far-right allies in hollowing out the EU from within. This month, both she and the leader of Alternative für Deutschland, Alice Weidel, outlined their visions of a “Europe of nations” in which EU institutions would be stripped of both cash and power. Ms Weidel’s “new deal for Europe” would abolish elections to the European parliament, and seek German opt-outs in areas such as migration, defence and common borrowing. Ms Le Pen’s party, now called National Rally, proposes slashing French contributions to the EU budget by 60% over a five-year presidential term, and ending the role of Brussels in proposing common policies for the 27 member states.
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© Photograph: Christophe Petit-Tesson/EPA
© Photograph: Christophe Petit-Tesson/EPA
© Photograph: Christophe Petit-Tesson/EPA
Launching her campaign in Orléans, Le Pen promised national renewal and tougher policing. Reuters reported a poll placing her at 32–33.5 per cent, against 17 per cent for Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Those numbers are a snapshot, but they suggest something politically consequential: the candidate once treated as an outsider now occupies the strongest starting position.
Emmanuel Macron, meanwhile, increasingly resembles a lame-duck president. Constitutionally unable to seek another consecutive term, he faces a succession contest in which his endorsement may carry limited weight. His admission of failures in anticipating the unrest compounds the damage. A presidency built around authority and personal command is approaching its conclusion with both visibly diminished.
For Le Pen, the advantage is obvious. Every confrontation between police and rioters supplies another opportunity to ask whether the government can perform its most basic duty: protecting the public. Citizens do not need to endorse her entire programme to find that question persuasive. They need only conclude that those already governing have exhausted their answers.
Yet the origins of the demonstrations matter. The Associated Press describes a movement rooted in education funding, rising living costs and inequality. Peaceful protesters cannot reasonably be bundled together with looters. Nor does the reporting establish that these disturbances are an expression of Islamism or Muslim demographic change. Misdiagnosing the crisis would weaken any serious argument for restoring order.
The broader integration debate nevertheless deserves frank treatment. A republic cannot function confidently if its citizens believe that common laws, civic obligations or freedom of expression are negotiable. Governments should confront Islamist intimidation, religious coercion and deliberate separatism wherever evidence establishes them. They should also expect newcomers to learn the language, respect constitutional principles and participate in national life.
Those expectations are legitimate. Treating an entire Muslim population as inherently unintegrated is not. Religious identity alone establishes neither hostility to France nor unwillingness to belong. The useful political distinction is between citizens who uphold democratic rules and individuals or organisations that seek to undermine them. That standard should apply consistently, whatever the religion or ideology involved.
Across Europe, political leaders would be wise to recognise the electoral danger of appearing evasive about integration. Voters seeking enforceable rules should receive practical answers: effective language teaching, access to employment, credible policing and action against extremist networks. When mainstream parties substitute moral lectures for measurable results, they leave an opening for opponents promising clarity and control.
Le Pen’s opportunity is to connect these concerns with a wider sense of abandonment. Disorder, strained services and anxiety about belonging can become parts of one political story: the state demands obedience and taxation but delivers too little security or reassurance. Her opponents will struggle if their response consists principally of explaining why voters should fear her.
But favourable circumstances do not eliminate her weaknesses. Her conviction over European Parliament funds, which she is appealing, sits awkwardly beside a campaign demanding accountability and respect for law. Her promises of spending restraint, lower business taxes and resistance to further retirement-age increases also invite scrutiny. Winning confidence requires explaining how competing commitments can be reconciled.
The challenge for her rivals is therefore substantive. They must demonstrate that public order and legitimate protest can coexist, that integration involves shared duties, and that economic grievances deserve workable remedies. Simply rebuilding an electoral barricade against Le Pen may prove insufficient if voters associate its defenders with the failures that brought France here.
For now, momentum belongs to her. Macron looks depleted; the streets convey insecurity; the establishment struggles to offer a convincing successor or a persuasive account of renewal. None of this guarantees a Le Pen presidency. It does mean that her opponents can no longer rely on her reputation to defeat her. They must recover the public’s confidence in their own capacity to govern. Otherwise, France’s crisis may become her decisive electoral advantage.
Le Pen Sets Out €140bn Spending-Cut Plan as French Debt Dominates 2027 Race
O presidente da França, Emmanuel Macron, usou as redes sociais para parabenizar o seu homólogo brasileiro.
Notícias relacionadas:
“Meus parabéns, Lula, pela sua reeleição. A França e o Brasil têm muito a construir juntos. Diante dos grandes desafios do nosso tempo, reforcemos nossa parceria estratégica e façamos viver a amizade entre nossos dois países a serviço de um mundo mais justo”.
O primeiro-ministro da Espanha, Pedro Sanchéz, foi outro a usar as redes sociais para exaltar a vitória de Lula sobre a extrema-direita.
“Grande vitória de Lula! O que aconteceu no Brasil acontecerá na Espanha. A virada do progressismo global acaba de começar”.
O presidente do Equador, Daniel Noboa, também foi ao X, antigo Twitter, para felicitar o presidente brasileiro.
“Parabéns, Lula, por esta vitória. Nossa região tem inimigos comuns, desafios compartilhados e muito a ganhar quando trabalhamos juntos”.
Noboa é um político de direita e um dos aliados do presidente dos Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, na América do Sul.
Outros líderes da América Latina também felicitaram o brasileiro pela reeleição. Entre eles, a presidente do México, Claudia Sheinbaum, e o presidente do Uruguai, Yamandu Orsi.
O primeiro-ministro do Canadá, Mark Carney, também exaltou a relação entre seu país e o Brasil ao congratular o presidente reeleito.
“A relação entre o Canadá e o Brasil floresceu sob nossa parceria. Vamos aproveitar essa oportunidade para torna-la ainda mais forte, juntos – para criar novas grandes oportunidades de comércio, proteger o meio-ambiente e construir maior prosperidade para os povos de ambos países”.
A primeira ministra do Japão, Sanae Takaishi, disse esperar que Lula “continue a guiar o Brasil com sua forte liderança” e se mostrou ansiosa para trabalhar com o brasileiro e estreitar “ainda mais a parceria estratégica global numa gama ampla de áreas”. Entre essas áreas, Takaishi citou um acordo entre Japão e Mercosul.
A China divulgou um comunicado por meio do porta-voz do ministério chinês dos Negócios Estrangeiros.
“A China está disposta a trabalhar com o Brasil para continuar a avançar na construção de uma comunidade de futuro compartilhado entre os dois países”.
Vladimir Putin, presidente da Rússia, falou em “reconhecimento dos brasileiros às suas notáveis qualidades de liderança, seu apoio à política de desenvolvimento socioeconômico sustentável do país e a proteção de sua soberania e legítimos interesses no cenário global”.
Já Ursula Von der Leyen, presidente da Comissão Europeia, publicou um comunicado se dirigindo a Lula e exaltou a bandeira do multilateralismo, muito defendida pelo brasileiro em seus discursos no exterior. “Parabéns ao amigo Lula pela sua vitória eleitoral. A democracia e o multilateralismo venceram no Brasil”.
O prefeito de Nova York, Zohran Mamdani, em entrevista à imprensa nesta segunda-feira (26), disse que estava indo para casa quando viu vários novaiorquinos saindo de um bar gritando o nome de Lula o que mostrou, segundo ele, animação dos moradores da cidade com a vitória do candidato do PT.
“Eu vi o quanto ele significa para tanta gente nessa cidade, nesse país e por todo o mundo, honestamente”. Nas redes sociais, Mamdani também mandou um recado para Lula. “O povo unido jamais será vencido! Parabéns, presidente Lula.”
*com informações de Matheus Crobelatti e Pedro Rafael Vilela
Activists say struggle must go on until their ‘maximum’ demands are met over teacher shortages and building repairs
French children should continue to barricade their schools and take part in street protests, a student union said on Monday after the government announced a package of education measures to try to stem the crisis.
“Today we’re at the negotiating table, we’re able to negotiate with the government,” Pierre Sourzat of Les Lycéens told France Info television. “We’re in a power struggle and we still need to call for continued mobilisation to meet a maximum of our demands.”
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© Photograph: AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: AFP/Getty Images
Amid widespread protests, Muriel E Cockcroft has sympathy for French youth but fears how much steam will be let out at the next convulsion
I’m writing in response to your editorial (The Guardian view on France’s protests: a polarised country is in a perilous political moment, 19 October). While the focus is on Emmanuel Macron, let us not forget the hierarchical structure of French administration, from mayors to MPs to senators to prefects and heads of region. All are part of the government, but few stood up to bring leaky school roofs and missing teachers to national consciousness. I deplore the senseless destruction of shops and state buildings. But I also deplore the fact that students had to protest to be heard. In the many administrative tiers of this highly hierarchical country, no one acted and inertia prevailed.
Centrally, the government is financially challenged but refuses to acknowledge that having a huge deficit, an ageing population and a low retirement age are perhaps connected. Modest attempts to increase the retirement age also provoked violent protests. Financial tools for individual retirement remain complex and restricted. Thus, this sclerotic system presses on until the next crisis.
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© Photograph: Roses Nicolas/ABACA/Shutterstock
© Photograph: Roses Nicolas/ABACA/Shutterstock
© Photograph: Roses Nicolas/ABACA/Shutterstock
Moktar, 21, pulls up his neck gaiter, tightens the hood of his puffer jacket and steps out of the house in the late afternoon, dressed in immaculate black from head to toe. Behind the little mustache and the thick-lensed glasses with gold-rimmed temples, he smiles — a third-year college student from a very modest Tunisian family. Friendly, sharp, with an unusually political sense for his age and skin toughened by his surroundings, Moktar grew up in one of the poorest buildings in the L’Abreuvoir neighborhood in Bobigny (population 48,873), right opposite one of the drug-dealing hotspots where traffickers, police, customers, and addicts come and go all day. “Ballon here,” reads graffiti on the wall, advertising the nitrous oxide gas sold for inhalation.
© Samuel Aranda
© Samuel Aranda
© Samuel Aranda
© Samuel Aranda
Viendo lo que está ocurriendo en Francia, me viene a la memoria la célebre frase “Un fantasma recorre Europa” con la que se inicia el preámbulo del Manifiesto Comunista escrito por Karl Marx y Friedrich Engels, publicado por primera vez el 21 de febrero de 1848, en vísperas de las revoluciones liberales y obreras que se produjeron ese año en Francia y otros países europeos. Marx y Engels utilizaron la metáfora del fantasma para describir el miedo y la inquietud que sentían las clases e instituciones conservadoras de la época ante la incipiente lucha de clases entre trabajadores y empresarios dentro del naciente capitalismo.
© DIEGO MIR (EL PAÍS)
Anger on the streets could increasingly turn against the EU itself if it can’t show why cooperation makes people’s lives better
Europe is living through an autumn of unusual discontent. What protesters from Paris to Milan to Madrid share is a deepening anxiety about the future and a growing anger at the gap between what they expect from their governments and what they feel governments are delivering, whether the issue is unaffordable housing, stagnant wages, the spiralling cost of living or failing schools.
The electoral consequences of the failure to get a grip on this public anger are already with us. Spain goes to the polls next month in a snap election called after parliament voted down key housing reforms. France begins the process of electing a new president in April, while Poland, Italy and a string of smaller states will vote before the end of 2027. The stakes could not be higher.
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© Photograph: Nicolas Tucat/AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: Nicolas Tucat/AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: Nicolas Tucat/AFP/Getty Images
Making innocent protesters liable for damage would be bad for rule of law and play into far-right hands, say opponents
Emmanuel Macron has been accused by trade unions of trying to curb the fundamental French right to protest as the government fast-tracks a bill to make protesters pay for damage caused by vandalism at street demonstrations even if they did not directly cause it themselves.
The French president, who leaves office next spring, has faced more than a month of protests in which high-school students have blockaded schools demanding a response to teacher absences, repairs to decrepit buildings and changes to the university applications platform.
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© Photograph: Thibault Camus/AP
© Photograph: Thibault Camus/AP
© Photograph: Thibault Camus/AP
© Manu Brabo/Getty Images
© Philippe Lopez/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Almost 1,000 arrested as police charge crowd in Paris and teargas used to stop protesters reaching other city centres
Hundreds of thousands marched in cities across France on Saturday in largely peaceful protests to support schoolchildren’s demands for more teachers and repairs to dilapidated buildings, as Emmanuel Macron faces a social and political crisis in his final months as president.
The prosecutor’s office in the southern city of Nice said on Sunday that 59 people had been taken into police custody, including 11 suspected of belonging to extreme-right groups. They were alleged to have gathered with the intent of committing violence. Some were arrested in two vehicles with masks, gloves, gas sprays and truncheons, the prosecutor’s office said in a statement to public broadcaster FranceInfo.
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© Photograph: Thibault Camus/AP
© Photograph: Thibault Camus/AP
© Photograph: Thibault Camus/AP
© Dimitar Dilkoff/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
On Saturday, French radical left leader Jean-Luc Melenchon urged French President Emmanuel Macron to yield to protesters’ demands before leaving office in May 2027.
RELATED:
Two French Protesters Arrested for the Burning of the Limoges Town Hall
“You still have time to give in; afterward, you will have no choice but to leave. Give in and stop wasting our time,” Melenchon, a four-time presidential candidate, said as he marched in the Paris demonstration, which proceeded between Porte d’Italie and Porte de Vincennes.
Melenchon, leader of France Unbowed (LFI), warned Macron that if social demands go unanswered, mobilizations such as the one taking place in France for the second consecutive Saturday “will be repeated every week.”
“This is a very important moment in the history of popular movements in our country,” Melenchon said, convinced that “a general strike is coming” for the authorities.
Victoire totale du mouvement social. La marche s'est rassemblée au nouveau point autorisé et déferle dans le calme sur plus de quatre kilomètres. Les provocations aux désordres du préfet de police et de Lecornu sont un échec total. Pour les autorités, il est temps de céder, sinon… pic.twitter.com/S3d6k2DWf3
— Jean-Luc Mélenchon (@JLMelenchon) October 24, 2026
Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s text states: “A total victory for the social movement. The march has gathered at the newly authorized location and is proceeding calmly along a route over four kilometers long. The provocations intended to incite disorder—orchestrated by the police prefect and Lecornu—have failed completely. It is time for the authorities to yield; otherwise, they will soon have no choice but to head for the exit.”
Macron must decide whether to yield to the demands now or do so later under much more unpredictable circumstances, Melenchon said. He also accused the French president of adopting an attitude characteristic of an “absolute monarchy” by claiming to be “always right” in his dealings with others.
Melenchon said Macron had taken advantage of the state of shock caused by the racist terrorist attack in Trappes, on the outskirts of Paris, to change the route of the protest through the French capital, creating confusion among demonstrators.
“Everything is being prepared to provoke an explosion” and spark unrest, he said. He questioned the deployment of military personnel to protect public buildings and authorities’ recommendations that business owners turn to private security services, arguing that both measures contribute to rising tensions.
“They are doing absolutely everything to provoke an incident,” Melenchon insisted, urging demonstrators to remain calm, follow union instructions and maintain collective discipline “so that everything goes smoothly.”
Immense cortège à Paris pour demander l’abrogation de parcoursup, 10 milliards pour les lycéens, la hausse du SMIC et des salaires.
— Paul Vannier (@PaulVannierFI) October 24, 2026
Et pour défendre notre liberté de manifester !
Les manœuvres de Nunez et Lecornu ont échoué. pic.twitter.com/eGJIiVKkH8
The text reads, “A massive procession in Paris calling for the repeal of Parcoursup, 10 billion euros for high school students, and an increase in the minimum wage and salaries—as well as the defense of our right to protest! The maneuvers by Nunez and Lecornu have failed.”
For all these reasons, the leftist leader called on the French government to “stop provoking” demonstrators and “adding fuel to the fire,” and to listen to “demands that are not so difficult to meet.”
Melenchon also criticized meetings held during the week between the Macron administration and political parties, describing them as useless and theatrical.
“They live in a bubble, make decisions that have no connection to reality and are not even coordinated among themselves. That is why they are dangerous,” he said.
On Saturday, France faced a second day of nationwide demonstrations called by unions, students and the Yellow Vests movement to protest the rising cost of living and demand more public funding for education.
Following serious incidents on Saturday, Oct. 17, authorities deployed a major security operation on Saturday and banned demonstrations in several French cities, particularly those not organized by unions.
teleSUR/ JF
Source: EFE
France’s violent protests have exposed a vulnerability in European security that conventional policing cannot easily address: the ability of foreign information networks to exploit domestic political crises, amplify social divisions and transform legitimate grievances into instruments of geopolitical pressure.
President Emmanuel Macron has acknowledged foreign manipulation of information surrounding the disturbances of 17–18 October but insists there is no evidence that foreign actors organised the violence itself. His assessment reflects the evidence currently available, although new investigations indicate that Russian-linked networks were actively exploiting the protest movement weeks before the worst disorder began.
On 24 October, France deployed approximately 70,000 police officers and gendarmes to prevent further violence. Yet the security operation addresses only the physical consequences of a crisis whose online dimension extends across national borders.
An investigation published on 22 October by Alliance4Europe provides evidence that Russian-linked information networks were exploiting French discontent well before the disturbances.
Researchers examined 547,471 posts and articles across nine languages. They identified 639 coordinated messages attributed with high confidence to Russia’s Doppelgänger operation, generating approximately 7.4 million views in the six weeks preceding 17 October.
The campaign used genuine concerns about living costs and public expenditure to promote a particular political argument: money allocated to Ukraine was being taken from European citizens.
This was not a random selection of grievances. France’s budget difficulties, public-service pressures and disagreements over defence expenditure provided material through which Moscow could seek to weaken support for Kyiv.
The researchers found that the operation targeted pro-European and pro-Ukraine politicians across the political spectrum. It praised selected proposals associated with Jean-Luc Mélenchon while also promoting nationalist narratives, illustrating a strategy driven less by ideological consistency than by opposition to existing European policies.
An earlier investigation by EK Strategies, published on 8 October, identified an additional development.
Russian-linked channels were not merely commenting on existing demonstrations. They were circulating protest dates, identifying organisers and encouraging French audiences to follow the example of demonstrators in Germany.
On 28 September, the International Reporters network published an appeal urging French audiences to take to the streets. Other channels subsequently reproduced information about planned school blockades and demonstrations.
In one instance, a channel identified as Gavroche published rhetoric encouraging an attack on France’s Education Ministry.
Such activity goes beyond retrospective propaganda. It attempts to influence participation and behaviour while events are developing. Nevertheless, evidence that a network encouraged protests does not establish that it controlled the organisers or directed subsequent violence.
The original demonstrations arose from domestic grievances over schools, prices and government policy. The significance of the foreign activity lies in attempts to redirect and intensify an existing movement.
Once violence erupted, the information campaign acquired an international audience.
Alliance4Europe found that claims blaming migrants or Islam for the disturbances appeared in approximately one in 33 French-language posts, compared with nearly one in five English-language posts.
False allegations that immigrants had burned Limoges town hall circulated substantially more frequently in English than in French.
The same report identified 1,018 articles distributed through 28 websites associated with the Russian Pravda network. Their rapid republication across languages enabled a common narrative to reach audiences far beyond France.
The operation also presents a longer-term technological problem. Repeated publication of manipulated accounts can contaminate material subsequently retrieved or reproduced by artificial-intelligence systems, allowing false narratives to persist beyond the original campaign.
The political effects were visible when President Donald Trump and other foreign leaders portrayed France’s unrest principally through immigration and cultural conflict.
Speaking in Qatar on 21 October, Macron rejected these portrayals and criticised the circulation of fabricated AI-generated images. His remarks identified foreign manipulation after the riots but stopped short of alleging foreign responsibility for their organisation.
The transcript raises a more substantial allegation: that the American Heritage Foundation and Russia’s FSB have participated in a coordinated effort to destabilise France.
There are documented connections between the Heritage Foundation and political institutions associated with Hungary’s former prime minister Viktor Orbán.
A 2026 investigation into Hungarian-funded international influence networks established that the Danube Institute had channelled substantial public funding towards foreign researchers and commentators. The institute also maintained a formal relationship with Heritage.
Heritage has acknowledged its cooperation with Hungarian conservative institutions but denied receiving funding or direction from foreign governments.
These relationships demonstrate the development of transatlantic political networks capable of circulating common ideas about sovereignty, migration and European integration.
They do not establish operational cooperation with Russian intelligence. Nor has credible evidence emerged connecting Heritage to the organisation or financing of France’s October riots. Ideological convergence, institutional cooperation and participation in a clandestine operation require separate evidential assessments.
The European Union’s response has exposed a regulatory problem.
Under the EU’s Digital Services Act, major online platforms must address systemic risks arising from their services, including the amplification of illegal content and threats to public security.
On 23 October, the French government announced enhanced cooperation with digital platforms. More than 100 priority reports had been submitted ahead of the weekend demonstrations, approximately half resulting in account suspensions.
These measures targeted unlawful online activity, particularly incitement to violence and looting. They did not constitute findings that the suspended accounts belonged to foreign intelligence networks.
The European Commission has likewise refrained from activating emergency measures under the Digital Services Act without sufficient evidence connecting foreign manipulation to the violence.
The broader security concern is that foreign operations can exploit the interval between the emergence of social unrest and the establishment of reliable information about its causes.
Russia need not organise an entire protest movement to advance its strategic interests. By amplifying domestic grievances, promoting hostility towards support for Ukraine and circulating distorted accounts internationally, it can attempt to convert France’s internal political difficulties into pressure on European policy.
With France approaching its 2027 presidential election, these operations warrant continuing scrutiny. The central investigative question is no longer simply whether foreign networks spread false information after violence occurred, but whether their activities before and during demonstrations materially influenced mobilisation, radicalisation or political responses.
The evidence currently demonstrates organised manipulation and attempts at amplification. Establishing direct responsibility for violence would require a further evidential step, involving financial records, communications, operational instructions or connections with identifiable perpetrators.
France’s experience illustrates how contemporary information warfare can operate within a democratic society without necessarily directing events on the ground. Its immediate objective may be to alter the political interpretation of a crisis; its longer-term consequence may be to influence the policies adopted in response.
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