Trump says he asked Google Maps to rename Atlantic Ocean


Un paziente infettato da Shamonda è deceduto in ospedale a Lione. È il primo caso documentato documentato: fino a ora, questo virus era considerato non trasmissibile all’uomo. A darne notizia sono le autorità francesi. Il ministero della Salute ha reso noto che il paziente presentava una “grave immunodepressione” ed è deceduto all’inizio di ottobre. Sulla base delle attuali conoscenze su questo virus, proseguono, ad oggi non è stato identificato alcun rischio per la popolazione generale. L’ipotesi è quella di una contaminazione vettoriale del caso, tramite la puntura di un moscerino del genere Culicoides nella Francia orientale, territorio in cui è stata segnalata la circolazione del virus negli animali nella primavera ed estate del 2026.
La Commissione Europea sta “monitorando attentamente la situazione”, ha dichiarato la portavoce dell’esecutivo Ue per la Salute Eva Hrncirova. “Siamo in stretto contatto – continua – con l’Ecdc, l’Efsa e le autorità nazionali competenti per comprendere le potenziali implicazioni per la salute umana e animale. Il Laboratorio di riferimento dell’Ue (Eurl) per la salute pubblica è stato attivato ed è pronto a supportare gli Stati membri con analisi di laboratorio, qualora necessario”. “Le autorità francesi stanno indagando sulla questione in via prioritaria, con il supporto delle agenzie dell’Ue”, conclude. Anche l’infettivologo Matteo Bassetti ha commentato la notizia su X: “La scoperta apre una nuova fase delle indagini su un virus conosciuto da decenni negli animali. Shamonda, abbreviato in Shav. Nessun allarme, ma dovrà essere cercato questo virus quando ci si imbatte in sintomi compatibili”, ha commentato su X l’infettivologo Matteo Bassetti.
Il virus Shamonda è un orthobunyavirus trasmesso agli animali da moscerini ematofagi del genere Culicoides. È stato individuato per la prima volta in Nigeria a metà degli anni ’60 ed è stato segnalato sporadicamente nei bovini in Africa occidentale, orientale e meridionale, nonché in Giappone. Nell’estate del 2026 è stato identificato per la prima volta in Europa in allevamenti bovini. I bovini sono considerati l’ospite primario tra le specie animali che possono essere infettate. Casi sporadici di infezione in piccoli ruminanti ed equini sono stati identificati anche quest’estate in Francia. Le autorità sanitarie francesi hanno inoltre informato gli organismi sanitari internazionali, l’Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanità e il Centro europeo per la prevenzione e il controllo delle malattie.
L'articolo Virus Shamonda, morto un paziente in Francia: è il primo caso di infezione umana documentato. L’Ue: “Monitoriamo la situazione” proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

October 22nd marks the National Day to Stop Police Brutality. Free DC and Pan-African Community Action (PACA) are two organizations in the nation’s capital engaged in building community and direct action against the various entities that form the policing apparatus in DC: police, FBI, HSI, National Guard, etc.
While Trump boosts their funding—much like giving a steroid to the carceral machine—Free DC and PACA are heightening the contradictions of the Trump administration’s fascist agenda by providing vulnerable communities with the resources that the government withholds and refuses to fund.
Trump’s deployment of the National Guard costs upwards of $3M daily and will total $2.9B by the end of his term. How would you spend $3M a day?
On this episode of Rattling the Bars, former political prisoner and Black Panther Mansa Musa speaks with organizers pushing back against the National Guard occupation of DC on the eve of the Black Panther Party’s 60th Anniversary.
Credits:
The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Mansa Musa:
Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa. The presence of the National Guard in the District of Columbia calls $3 million a day and an estimated $2.9 billion the next presidential election. Recently, I covered two organizations that are pushing back against their present. PACA, Pan-African, Community Action, who primarily organize in the Southeast section or the District of Columbia, Anacostia area, and Free DC. Take a look. We’re at the Black Workers Wellness Center. I’m talking to Alex from the Pan-African Community Action, PACA. And today they’re having political education form because of the anniversary, the 60th year anniversary of the Black Panther Party. And we’re doing political education in its roles form. So Alex, tell our audience a little bit about PACA.
Alex:
We’re a group of African and black people organizing in Southeast DC for power. We’re trying to build up institutions that are made up of just ordinary working class people, working class black people. We’re trying to build up alternative institutions that are able to challenge the preexisting institutions that are currently failing us. We see failing healthcare. We see funding going towards police and national guard. At the same time, we’re seeing cutting off from SNAP benefits, disinvesting from education affecting black children. And so we believe in a power shift and the only way to achieve that power shift is through building up a mass movement. And we’ve been organizing down here for 10 years.
Oliver:
When we look in our communities, we see occupying police forces. We see education we don’t control. History we don’t define. We see institutions we don’t have, whether it’s healthcare, whether it’s housing, whether it’s transportation. So the colonization we’re experiencing domestically, the Panthers saw that as linked to the anti-colonial struggles taking place around the world.
Huey P. Newton:
In America, black people are treated very much as the Vietnamese people or any other colonized people because we’re used, we’re brutalized. The police and our community occupy our area, our community as a foreign troop occupies territory.
Mansa Musa:
Earlier today, we was in free DC downtown where they was protesting the occupation by the National Guard.
Keya Chatterjee:
We want to be really clear that it is time for these armed soldiers to leave DC and leave our community. We’re in the middle of an election right now. We’ve seen them standing in front of polling locations, standing in front of ballot boxes. We’ve seen them at our schools. We’ve seen them all over our transportation system for all over a year. It is time for the guard to leave. I mean, from August 11th to January of 2029, can you imagine? It’s billions of dollars. It is a clear effort to violate our rights and to suppress dissent and we’re not going to stand for it.
Mansa Musa:
They’re blocking both sides of the street. They’re at the top on third street, third DC, and at the bottom of third and constitution. They’re definitely representing the right to civil disobedience.
DC resident 1:
Nobody in DC wants them. They’re a hassle to us and they don’t do anything good and they’re taking a lot of our money and they make the city feel unsafe because of their presence. So I’m not interested in having them here any longer.
DC resident 2:
And I think the National Guard are making our streets less safe. They’re scaring people away from U Street Corridor, which is such a vibrant place where young people like to come and gather and they are chasing everybody out of our city and our businesses and it’s not good for us.
Keya Chatterjee:
We’re going to be in all the places. We also will be over at Bard Early College at 3:00 PM today because the soldiers have been walking around with HSI and FBI in front of that school for weeks. Nobody asked you to be there. Nobody wants you there. Our DC council who we elect have been clear unanimously sending letters to every single governor saying, “Remove your troops. You are not wanted here.” At the end of the day, they say the soldiers are going to be here until January of 2029. We know why they say January of 2029, right? We’re standing here in front of the Capitol. We know what happened in January of 2021. And so what we say is that we will not tolerate that. They can’t do this without our consent. If we start collectively refusing to go to work, refusing to go to school, refusing to shop in the face of their blatant attempts to consolidate power, then they can’t get away with it.
And it’s already working. We’re already winning. What we know is that when we act collectively, it works. Even multi-billion dollar corporations have to give in to us and even this corrupt regime cannot stand if we act collectively and refuse to consent. So that’s what we’re building our way towards, neighborhood by neighborhood, person by person, training by training. We are building towards having enough collective power that they cannot get away with it.
Mansa Musa:
And in terms of y’all’s strategy about occupation, National Guard and Ward seven and eight, how do y’all see y’all being effective in terms of y’all organizing?
Alex:
Yeah, absolutely. I mean, historically Ward seven is eight has been redlined, experiences the most disinvestment from healthcare, from education, always over policing. And now we’re seeing over policing on a broad level across the entire DC, but it always starts with Ward seven and eight. It always starts with these metro stations, Anacostia, Congress Heights, Southern Avenue. We see the FBI, the DHS, the National Guard here first. And so we understand that it does affect all of DC, but it hits Ward seven and eight the hardest. This is where people experience the most oppressed conditions. There’s the most poverty down here. There’s already a heightened police presence even before the National Guard here. And so everything with the safe and beautiful task force and National Guard is just making it more violent. It’s bringing out more tension in these areas and it’s heightened the need for us to organize for ourselves too.
Mansa Musa:
What else do you want to PACA primary objectives in terms of organizing? We talking about the Black Panther Party and we know that they evolved and got to a place where they had survival programs and here we call them survival pending revolution. The ultimate goal was the programs was to turn them over to the community so they become a part of the infrastructure for revolutionary activities. So what are some of the programs y’all got?
Alex:
Absolutely. So our objectives are similar to the Panthers in the sense that we also have survival programs. We have our People’s Pan-African Wellness Front, which is a health clinic which we operate every four Sunday where we try to bring people in to volunteer and work together. We provide free blood pressure testing, glucose testing. We have activities like yoga. We have free grocery distribution, which includes locally grown vegetables and fruits. Oftentimes we have speakers come in and give lectures. So that’s just one example of a space where the community can come together and provide for ourselves, training people to become organizers for our mass movement. Another one of our programs, the Transit Solidarity Program, that’s a program we have going on this weekend where we take community donated smart trip cards, we put money on them and we distribute them at Anacostia Station. And we do this to basically heighten the contradiction between ourselves, the people coming together to provide for working class people just trying to access Metro versus the state, which is dumping upwards of $3 million a day into FBI, DHS, National Guard, MPD to occupy and patrol these stations, ticket people, $50, $100 just for trying to access the bus.
It’s ridiculous.
Mansa Musa:
As you can see, people are standing up against the military industrial complex, policing and the National Guard in the nation capital and around the country. October the 15th marked the 60th anniversary of the Black Panther Party. And one of the things the Black Panther Party stood for among many was community control over the police. As you can see, it’s the community that’s opposed to the presence of the National Guard and heavy-handed policing in the District of Columbia. We ask that you continue to look at the real news and rattling the bar and weigh in on these issues, all power to the people.


© Marvellous Durowaiye/Reuters
Luana Piovani se tornou uma das famosas mais “ativas” na disputa presidencial deste ano. Na quarta-feira (21), a atriz não escondeu sua indignação ao ver que Roberto Justus havia declaro voto em Flávio Bolsonaro (PL) no segundo turno das eleições.
A loira compartilhou um vídeo do empresário em que ele conta estar preocupado com o futuro do País. “Venho aqui como pai, como avô, como empresário e como cidadão brasileiro preocupado com o futuro do meu País”, declarou ele.
Em seus stories do Instagram, Piovani afirmou que Justus é uma “péssima influência” para as mulheres da família. “Que bela bosta, Roberto Justus! Minha preguiça por você já tem outro nome: desprezo. Sempre péssima influência, pras moças tudo [sic] que te cercam”, disse.
A atriz ainda aproveitou para fazer menção a Daniel Vorcaro, ex-controlador do Banco Master. De acordo com mensagens obtidas ela Polícia Federal, os empresários discutiram, desde 2024, um investimento na SteelCorp, empresa da qual o apresentador é sócio.
Nas conversas, um empréstimo que poderia ser convertido em participação na companhia. Uma negociação que envolvia R$ 143 milhões e uma proposta de recompra de R$ 130 milhões. No entanto, a operação enfrentou dificuldades e gerou cobranças de Roberto.
“Vai chupar o saco do Vorcaro e passar vergonha que é o que você merece”, completou a atriz.

The post Luana Piovani detona Roberto Justus após apoio a Flávio Bolsonaro: “Desprezo” appeared first on Diário da Manhã - O Jornal do leitor Inteligente.


This article was originally published by Truthout on Oct. 21, 2026. It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) license.
The U.S. Supreme Court has denied an emergency petition from the Trump administration, which sought a stay on a lower court’s injunction on a policy that would have denied gender-affirming care to federally incarcerated transgender people.
That policy was implemented by the Bureau of Prisons (BOP) after President Donald Trump signed an executive order in January 2025 that denied the existence of transgender people. The order also directed federal agencies to take steps that would be consistent with that view, and included specific instructions for the BOP.
“The Attorney General shall ensure that the Bureau of Prisons revises its policies concerning medical care to be consistent with this order, and shall ensure that no Federal funds are expended for any medical procedure, treatment, or drug for the purpose of conforming an inmate’s appearance to that of the opposite sex,” the order reads.
After the BOP conformed to the order, a group of incarcerated trans people who had been receiving gender-affirming care sued the administration. The group is being represented by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which argued that their Eighth Amendment protections against cruel and unusual punishment were being infringed upon.
A federal judge agreed, and, in August, ordered the policy to be blocked. The Trump administration challenged that finding, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld it, prompting Solicitor General John Sauer to submit an emergency appeal to the Supreme Court.
The court has regularly ruled against transgender people, allowing state bans on trans athletes’ participation in sports, ruling in favor of a ban on transgender people in the military, and upholding state laws that bar gender-affirming care for trans children and teens. Yet on Wednesday, the court denied the Trump administration’s request.
“The application for stay presented to The Chief Justice and by him referred to the Court is denied,” the order read, giving no further explanation. Two justices for the court — Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas — would have granted the Trump administration’s request for a stay, the document said.
The ACLU heralded the high court’s denial of the emergency petition, stating, “This ruling affirms that federal prison officials can’t deny transgender people essential health care.”
Around 1,000 federally incarcerated trans people have also been diagnosed with gender dysphoria. The ruling means these individuals can continue receiving gender-affirming care while they remain in federal prisons or jails and the case moves forward in the lower courts.
VTM
Em tempos, pertencera aos quadros da Banda de Mateus, sendo considerado um dos mais insignes saxofonistas que por ali passaram.
O seu regresso trazia consigo as saudades da terra, as memórias de outros tempos e, sobretudo, aquele talento musical que não conhece fronteiras nem se apaga com a distância. Para quem o conhecia, a sua presença representava o reencontro com um músico de reconhecidos méritos, alguém que deixara a sua marca no seio de uma coletividade que tanto contribuiu para a formação musical e cultural de tantos jovens da região.
Nesse dia, antes da procissão, eu, como Mestre da Banda, fui abordado pelo presidente da centenária coletividade, António Matos, que me perguntou se o António Claustro – como era conhecido – poderia tocar no concerto à noite. Confesso que fiquei surpreendido e hesitante na resposta. Afinal o músico não tinha participado em qualquer ensaio e como seria natural, a sua presença no concerto levantava-me algumas dúvidas.
Foi então que António Claustro olhou para mim. No seu olhar havia determinação, mas também uma emoção difícil de descrever. E, com uma firmeza que ainda hoje guardo na memória, disse-me:
– Não tenhas receio, porque a alma da música da nossa terra sempre me acompanhou.
E como duvidar de alguém que falava assim da música?
A noite chegaria, e com ela o momento de transformar aquelas palavras em arte.
Já no final, incapaz de esconder o que me ia na alma, dirigi-me ao grande músico para lhe agradecer a sua presença naquela noite inesquecível.
E então aconteceu o abraço.
Um abraço forte e apertado, um abraço carregado de sentimentos que dispensavam as palavras. Um abraço de emoção tão profundo que me fez lembrar uma mãe lavada em lágrimas de alegria ao receber um filho que julgava distante e perdido.
Abambres teria oportunidade de escutar um saxofonista cuja ligação à Banda de Mateus ultrapassava os limites de uma simples passagem pelos seus quadros. Era um daqueles músicos que transportava consigo o nome da sua terra, mesmo quando a vida os levava para longe.
Depois daquele concerto, não tive mais dúvidas: António Claudino – o nosso Claustro – era, sem dúvida, um dos mais prestigiados saxofonistas que passaram pela Banda de Mateus.
Aquele enorme artista deixou-nos naquela ocasião uma lição que vai muito para além da música: há paixões que permanecem connosco para toda a vida.
Há músicos que quando tocam, deixam um pouco da sua alma em cada um de nós.
António Claudino – Claustro – foi, para mim, um desses músicos inolvidáveis.
The post Um saxofone, uma vida, uma saudade appeared first on A Voz de Trás-os-Montes.

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Ukraine’s military intelligence (HUR) published a 3D model and parts list of Russia’s new Filin cruise missile on 22 October. The breakdown names the Russian companies behind the missile and the foreign makers of its electronics.
HUR runs its War&Sanctions portal to trace such parts back to their makers. Its stated aim is to “deprive the aggressors of the ability to produce weapons for terror,” the portal says. Meanwhile, Russia is betting on cheap, fast cruise missiles, Serhii Beskrestnov, a freelance adviser to the president on technology, told Radio NV in mid-September. Naming the Banderol, Dan-T, Dan-M, and Gerbera-5, he warned they would soon outrun Ukraine’s jet-powered interceptors, so Ukraine needed its own cheap missiles to shoot them down.
JSC NPO Molniya, part of Russia’s Tactical Missiles Corporation, builds the Filin, HUR said. The agency called it part of a Russian defense-industry trend toward cheap jet-powered, ground-launched air-attack weapons. Russia began firing it at Ukraine in late summer 2026.

HUR’s data puts the carbon and fiberglass fuselage at 3.5 m, with a 3 m wingspan. Some parts are 3D-printed. Russia claims a top speed of 800 km/h. The range is 600–1,200 km, and the missile flies at ultra-low altitude or up to 6 km. Versions carry 50-kg or 100-kg warheads. A solid-fuel booster fires it from a ground launcher.
PLAZ LLC makes the onboard equipment, HUR said. The firm also helps produce the Garpiya, a version of Russia’s Shahed-type Geran-2 drone. Filin and Garpiya units share a similar layout and markings. Guidance combines a Chinese-made inertial navigation system with a 16-channel Kometa anti-jamming module from Russia’s VNIIR-Progress.
The electronics resemble those in other Russian missiles and drones but carry a larger share of Chinese parts. Of 81 components, 35 are American and 22 Chinese. The engine, however, is Russian: an R500 turbojet from Reynolds LLC. A similar engine earlier turned up in the S-71K Kover aviation cruise missile and S-71M Monokhrom, HUR said.
For comparison, Ukraine found more than 20 foreign components in a different cheap missile, the Banderol, in May 2025. They included 10 US microchips, and the Banderol flies on a Chinese jet engine.
The Ministry of National Economy and Finance on Thursday underscored the close cooperation between Greek authorities and their counterparts in the United States, as well as with other partners, to safeguard the integrity of the international financial system. The statement followed an announcement by the U.S. Treasury Department regarding operation Economic Outcast, which aims to […]
The post Greece enforces sanctions against Iran, says FinMin appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.
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Russian missiles and drones killed one person and injured 24 in Kyiv overnight on 22 October, the Kyiv City Prosecutor’s Office said. Damage spread across six of the city’s districts, the city military administration reported.
The strike came hours after Kremlin aide Yuri Ushakov said Putin had told Witkoff that Russia was “in principle” ready to resume three-way talks with the US and Ukraine in mid-November. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy read the overnight attack as a sign that Russia’s attitude has not changed. A day earlier, Russian drones killed two people in a 24-story Kyiv apartment block.
Russia fired 21 ballistic missiles at Kyiv overnight, Zelenskyy said. The barrage came in three waves, around 22:00, at about 02:00, and around 03:30.

Across Ukraine, air defenses downed or suppressed 181 of 210 Russian drones, the Air Force said. Its report did not mention any ballistic missiles shot down.
The only death in Kyiv came in the Dniprovskyi district, on the city’s left bank. There, Russian strikes destroyed 13 detached houses on several streets, prosecutors said. Police said the man killed was 48 and that six people were injured in the district, four of them children, the youngest aged five.
Of the injured, five are minors and two are young children, and prosecutors reported acute stress reactions among them. A 16-year-old boy is in hospital with a closed head injury, prosecutors said. Sixteen of the injured were hospitalized, the city military administration said. The final number of injured is still being established.
In the Holosiivskyi, Obolonskyi, Pecherskyi, and Sviatoshynskyi districts, the attack damaged eight apartment buildings, prosecutors said. It also damaged a building-supply hypermarket, a restaurant, a monastery building, a post office, and office premises.
In Pecherskyi, Russia damaged an ambulance station and six ambulances, Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko wrote. The State Emergency Service said eight people were injured in that district, three of them children, and reported damaged transport infrastructure in the Darnytskyi district.

The strikes damaged metro infrastructure on the Pivdennyi (Southern) Bridge, Kyiv Metro said. As of the morning, green-line trains ran in two sections, Syrets–Vydubychi and Osokorky–Chervonyi Khutir. Inspections and repairs would continue after the all-clear, the metro said.
Oleksii Biloshytskyi, head of Ukraine’s Patrol Police Department, announced that traffic across the bridge toward the left bank was temporarily closed. The city is adding buses on routes 22 and 91, the city administration said. Russian drones had already hit the bridge repeatedly in early October.
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Denmark will guarantee a loan to the Danish subsidiary of Fire Point, the Ukrainian maker of Flamingo cruise missiles, the Danish Business Ministry announced on 21 October. The financing will run through EIFO, Denmark’s state export and investment fund.
Ukraine uses its Flamingo missiles to strike defense plants deep inside Russia as Moscow continues its full-scale invasion. Fire Point broke ground in December 2025 on a plant in Vojens, southern Denmark, to make solid fuel for the missiles. The project has since grown far more expensive. In August, CEO Iryna Terekh said its estimated cost had risen from €50 million to above €150 million, calling the figure “very rough.” The war, meanwhile, stands in the way of Fire Point borrowing on ordinary terms in Denmark, the ministry said. That is why the Danish state is guaranteeing the loan.
The guarantee covers 750 million Danish kroner, or about $112.6 million, Reuters reported. Terekh said in August that the plant’s launch had slipped to late 2027. The ministry called the deal another big step toward starting production. However, Ukrainian outlet Defender Media noted that the statement does not say directly that the loan will fund the plant.
EIFO chief Peder Lundquist said the fund is involved in nearly 40 projects linked to Ukraine. Business Minister Martin Lidegaard said hosting a Ukrainian defense company brings Denmark knowledge, production, and partnerships. Europe’s security and freedom, he added, start in Ukraine.
Defense Minister Jeppe Bruus said Denmark was the first country to decide to let a Ukrainian defense company set up on its soil. Production outside Ukraine, he argued, is better protected from Russian attacks. He added that Fire Point’s presence opens cooperation that could give Denmark access to technologies developed in wartime.
Denmark first said in September 2025 that Fire Point would make long-range missile fuel on Danish soil. Since then, the company has signed deals with more than a dozen European firms for FREYJA, an anti-ballistic project. It could reduce Europe’s long-term reliance on scarce US-made Patriot interceptors. Fire Point aims for a first ballistic missile intercept with it by mid-2027.
Riflessioni sui confini tra laicità, sovranità e stabilità sociale
La controversia relativa all’uso dell’hijab nelle scuole azere ha assunto nuove dimensioni nel mese di ottobre, in seguito all’attuazione di norme sul codice di abbigliamento che hanno comportato il divieto di accesso alle istituzioni pubbliche per studentesse e insegnanti. L’episodio ha scatenato manifestazioni, arresti e critiche da parte delle organizzazioni internazionali, suscitando al contempo reazioni anche da parte della Turchia. Il dibattito si estende ben oltre l’ambito scolastico, coinvolgendo questioni di sovranità, identità religiosa e stabilità regionale.
L’Azerbaigian ha ragioni storiche per mantenere un modello di Stato laico. L’esperienza sovietica, la formazione delle sue istituzioni dopo l’indipendenza e la necessità di governare una società religiosamente diversificata in un contesto regionale teso hanno contribuito al consolidamento di un sistema in cui lo Stato mantiene un controllo rigoroso sul funzionamento delle istituzioni pubbliche. Le autorità azere hanno la prerogativa di determinare le proprie politiche educative, stabilire standard per le scuole e decidere in che modo debbano essere attuati i principi costituzionali.
Tuttavia, il modo in cui tali politiche vengono attuate può produrre conseguenze che vanno oltre i loro obiettivi originari. Nel caso dell’hijab, l’applicazione dei regolamenti scolastici ha suscitato resistenze tra le famiglie e le comunità religiose, mentre gli arresti legati alle proteste hanno amplificato la controversia. La sfida principale del governo sarà quella di gestire questa reazione senza permettere che una disputa sulle uniformi scolastiche si trasformi in un conflitto più ampio tra le autorità statali e le comunità religiose.
La situazione presenta inoltre importanti implicazioni internazionali. Ankara, principale partner strategico di Baku, ha espresso preoccupazione per le restrizioni relative al velo islamico. La vicinanza politica, culturale e linguistica tra i due Paesi rende la questione particolarmente delicata. Sebbene questo disaccordo non equivalga necessariamente a una crisi bilaterale, dimostra come le decisioni interne possano creare attriti anche tra governi che intrattengono relazioni strette. Ankara deve tenere conto delle proprie considerazioni sociali e politiche, mentre Baku cerca di preservare la propria autonomia nella gestione degli affari interni.
Merita attenzione anche la dimensione iraniana. L’Azerbaigian intrattiene un rapporto complesso con l’Iran, caratterizzato da legami storici e religiosi, nonché da divergenze strategiche. Come l’Iran, l’Azerbaigian ha una popolazione prevalentemente sciita, mentre la Repubblica Islamica ospita una consistente minoranza azera. Sia la Guida Suprema, l’Ayatollah Khamenei, sia il presidente Masoud Pezeshkian hanno origini etniche azere. In questo contesto, le politiche di secolarizzazione potrebbero essere interpretate da attori esterni come parte di una più ampia lotta per l’influenza religiosa e politica all’interno dell’Azerbaigian. Tale interpretazione, tuttavia, non dimostra che i regolamenti scolastici siano stati adottati esclusivamente per contrastare l’influenza iraniana.
Esiste inoltre un rischio interno che merita di essere preso in considerazione. Le restrizioni religiose applicate in modo troppo rigido possono produrre effetti contrari a quelli desiderati. Quando alcuni segmenti della popolazione percepiscono determinate misure come imposizioni alle proprie pratiche religiose, i gruppi radicali potrebbero sfruttare il malcontento che ne deriva, dipingere lo Stato come un avversario della religione ed espandere la propria capacità di mobilitazione. Per comprendere questa questione è necessario prendere in considerazione altre esperienze, come quella della Siria sotto il governo di Assad, dove la laicità coesisteva con la proliferazione dell’estremismo. Questo esito non è inevitabile e l’opposizione alle norme non dovrebbe essere automaticamente equiparata all’estremismo. Tuttavia, l’esperienza internazionale suggerisce che tale possibilità debba essere esaminata con attenzione.
Per l’Azerbaigian, la questione va quindi oltre la semplice definizione di un’uniforme scolastica. Il Paese ha il diritto di organizzare le proprie istituzioni secondo le proprie priorità, senza che governi stranieri ne dettino le scelte. Allo stesso tempo, il mantenimento della stabilità richiede che si eviti che le decisioni amministrative alimentino una polarizzazione duratura o creino nuove opportunità per gli attori che cercano di intensificare le tensioni religiose.
L’evoluzione di questo caso avrà implicazioni per le relazioni di Baku con Ankara e Teheran, nonché per le dinamiche politiche interne del Paese. L’esito dipenderà non solo dalle norme stesse, ma anche dalla loro attuazione pratica e dalla risposta delle autorità alle preoccupazioni sollevate da studenti, famiglie ed educatori. Nel Caucaso meridionale, dove identità, sovranità e sicurezza rimangono strettamente intrecciate, anche una controversia apparentemente circoscritta può avere gravi ripercussioni a livello regionale.

França e Alemanha estão mais próximas sobre orçamento da União Europeia, mas os 27 Estados-membros ainda divergem

The Council of the European Union adopted its negotiating position on Wednesday, 21st October, clearing the way for negotiations with the European Parliament once MEPs establish their position.
The measures form part of the European Commission’s Digital Omnibus package, introduced in November 2025, and represent one of Brussels’ most substantial attempts to simplify the regulatory obligations imposed on businesses operating across the single market.
The proposed reforms would modify several provisions of the GDPR, which has governed the processing of personal data across the EU since May 2018.
Rather than replacing the legislation, the Council wants to clarify existing obligations, particularly those concerning pseudonymised information, requests for access to personal data and the use of information in scientific research.
The agreed position retains the existing definition of personal data while introducing provisions intended to clarify when pseudonymised information can be linked to an identifiable individual.
Companies would also benefit from simplified procedures for handling manifestly unfounded or excessive data requests and from reduced information requirements in certain low-risk circumstances.
Another proposed change would extend the deadline for notifying authorities of personal data breaches, while establishing more consistent reporting templates across the EU.
For multinational companies, which currently navigate different interpretations of data protection obligations by national authorities, these provisions could reduce compliance costs and administrative duplication.
However, the changes have raised concerns among European privacy regulators.
In a joint opinion published in February, the European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor warned that parts of the Commission’s original proposal could create legal uncertainty and undermine existing protections.
They were particularly concerned about proposals affecting the definition of personal data and the Commission’s potential role in determining when pseudonymised information falls outside GDPR requirements.
The Council’s decision to retain the existing definition addresses part of that debate, although the final legislative text remains subject to negotiations.
One of the most visible changes would affect the consent notices encountered by Europeans when visiting websites.
Under the Council’s proposal, additional categories of cookies and similar tracking technologies could be used without obtaining explicit consent, provided the relevant legal conditions are satisfied.
The proposed exemptions include technologies necessary to deliver a service, maintain device security or conduct audience measurement.
For website operators, publishers and online businesses, the changes could reduce the number of consent requests displayed to visitors and simplify technical compliance.
The current system has generated extensive legal disputes over whether consent is genuinely voluntary and whether tracking technologies collect information beyond what users have authorised.
EU Today has previously examined the enforcement of these obligations, including a Belgian court ruling concerning the legality of the advertising industry’s consent framework.
The latest proposal would not abolish consent requirements for commercial tracking or behavioural advertising. Technologies falling outside the permitted exemptions would remain subject to the applicable privacy rules.
The package also addresses the growing number of reporting obligations imposed on European businesses under overlapping cybersecurity legislation.
The Commission originally proposed a single European reporting mechanism for certain data and cybersecurity incidents.
Member states have instead agreed to establish national entry points, supported by an EU-level information system and provisions for coordinating cross-border notifications.
The Council’s position would also clarify the legal grounds for certain uses of personal data in artificial intelligence systems and introduce safeguards for processing sensitive information in specified circumstances.
These provisions follow increasingly complicated disputes over the application of European privacy legislation to AI development and automated decision-making.
As EU Today reported in its coverage of a major GDPR enforcement case involving Uber, automated processing already presents substantial compliance risks for companies operating within the bloc.
The Commission estimates that its wider digital simplification initiative could save European businesses up to €5 billion in administrative costs by 2029.
The initiative reflects pressure from European governments and business organisations to reduce the regulatory fragmentation that makes operating across multiple EU jurisdictions more expensive.
The Digital Omnibus is part of a broader legislative programme influenced by the competitiveness reports produced by former Italian prime ministers Enrico Letta and Mario Draghi.
Under the Council’s negotiating mandate, several existing data-related rules would also be consolidated, while provisions governing the protection of trade secrets would be strengthened.
The European Parliament must now determine its negotiating position before formal discussions between the institutions can begin. Until the legislation is agreed and adopted, existing GDPR, cookie consent and cybersecurity requirements remain in force.
