© Armin Durgut/Associated Press
Vučić’s 12-year reign looks to have been ended by record turnout of voters in election provoked by student-led protests
The long-serving leader of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, has conceded defeat, ushering in a seismic political shift after a historic election that saw the increasingly authoritarian leader pitted against a student-led movement that had spent two years protesting against his government.
Vučić pointed to preliminary results that suggested voters had overwhelmingly backed the students, potentially giving them a majority in the country’s 250-seat parliament.
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© Photograph: Marko Drobnjaković/AP
© Photograph: Marko Drobnjaković/AP
© Photograph: Marko Drobnjaković/AP
The peaceful departure of Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić could open a positive new chapter in Western Balkans history, even as France drifts in the opposite direction.
Vučić acknowledged defeat shortly after 9.30PM on Sunday (25 October), when exit polls put his SNS party on 105 seats in parliament out of 250, behind the reformist Student List movement, led by cardiologist Ilija Srdanović, on 135 to 140, even though the final results were far from clear.
“Serbia is free! People, BRAVO!,” the Student List posted on X.
It had been a tense night in Belgrade, with a heavy police presence in front of government buildings, scuffles at polling stations, and with student and other citizens’ patrol groups monitoring voting, as well as over 300 formal international observers.
MEPs and US senators had also warned Vučić (who had once worked at the top levels of the brutal dictatorship of Slobodan Milošević) on X not to resort to violence to try to steal the vote.
But it seems that the landslide was so huge and the turnout so massive (over 69 percent) that there was nothing to be done.
And the popular eruption of joy seen afterward all over Serbia was also reminiscent of the fall of Viktor Orbán in elections in Hungary in April.
Serbian nationalism, Western Balkan corruption, and Russian interference will not disappear from the region overnight, but with the nationalist-populist Vučić gone there is more chance of normalisation of Kosovo relations and less risk of a Bosnia break up.
And there is every chance that a positive reform momentum, rewarded by the EU, could spread from Serbia into neighbouring states and help bring more Western Balkan countries into Europe, after Montenegro is due to join in 2027.
It is the fourth defeat in national elections for pro-Russian and/or far-right parties in Europe this year, after Hungary, but also Sweden and Latvia.
And that is a good trend for progressives, in the run-up to the election super-cycle of late 2026/2027, which will see similar battles unfold in Spain, France, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Slovakia, Poland, and Italy in the next 12 months.
“If we have peace, whatever the outcome, it will be beneficial and blessed. If we have unrest, anger, and hatred, whatever the outcome, it will be disastrous for everyone,” said Serb Orthodox Church patriarch Porfirije earlier on Sunday.
Meanwhile, the spectacle of a peaceful, democratic transition of power in Serbia will not be welcomed by Moscow’s authoritarian rulers.
But if it is an example to Russian people, then it is also a powerful, alternative model for any students, leftwing activists, or ethnic minorities in France, Italy, or further afield in Europe, who spent a second weekend rioting in multiple towns in protest at social inequality.
If the far-right was to take power in France in April, spurred on by racial tension and civil unrest, it would quickly wipe out any gains made on Sunday in Serbia, in terms of EU stability, Western Balkans’ enlargement prospects, and Russian influence in Europe.
But if young people in the EU want fairer societies, then the students of Serbia, who began today’s tectonic shift in small protests two years ago in the provincial town of Novi Sad, have shown them that the path to victory lies in non-violent resistance and patience.
Svolta per le elezioni politiche in Serbia: Aleksandar Vucic ha riconosciuto la sconfitta, dichiarando in diretta tv che il suo partito Serbia Unita “ha perso le elezioni” e riconoscendo la vittoria della Lista degli Studenti. Vucic, che ha governato con poteri pressoché assoluti per 14 anni, ha detto che ora “continuerà la lotta dall’opposizione” e che dimostrerà che gli studenti hanno fatto una campagna “scorretta e piena di menzogne” e che non farà nessuno sconto dall’opposizione. Belgrado e altre città della Serbia sono scese in piazza per festeggiare con fuochi d’artificio e a colpi di clacson. “Gli studenti hanno vinto!”, intonano migliaia di persone per le strade della capitale dopo due anni di proteste antigovernative e contro la corruzione dilagante, che hanno portato Vucic a indire elezioni anticipate. Alcune delle persone dicono che “sembra di vivere in un sogno” e di “non riuscire a credere che sia successo davvero”. Altri alla felicità aggiungono il “timore che sarà come dopo il 5 ottobre”, evocando la resistenza a cedere il potere quando l’allora presidente Slobodan Milosevic perse nel 2000.
Secondo le prime proiezioni diffuse dall’emittente pubblica Rts, la Studentsksa Lista ha ottenuto il 52% dei voti, percentuale che dovrebbe fruttare 138 seggi sui 250 di cui è composto il Parlamento, oltre la soglia della maggioranza, contro il 39,3% di Serbia Unita, che avrebbe così 104 seggi. Nessun’altra coalizione minore ha passato la soglia di sbarramento del 3%, a esclusione di partitini delle minoranze etniche che ne sono esenti.
Diversi importanti partiti di opposizione hanno scelto di non candidarsi esortando i propri sostenitori a dare il loro appoggio agli studenti. Il voto anticipato è arrivato al culmine di quasi due anni di proteste studentesche scatenate dal crollo di una pensilina alla stazione ferroviaria di Novi Sad nel 2024 che causò la morte di 16 persone. Una tragedia attribuita alla corruzione diffusa in Serbia e che portò alle più grandi proteste nazionali dalla caduta di Milosevic.
La maggior parte dei 250 candidati della lista studentesca provengono dall’università e dal mondo delle arti, con scarsa esperienza politica. Il movimento ha un ampio programma, incentrato sull’impegno a combattere la corruzione. In campagna elettorale Vucic si è invece proposto come uno statista indispensabile, in bilico tra l’Unione Europea e la Russia. Sotto crescente pressione, ha indetto le elezioni anticipate citando “forti turbolenze sulla scena politica interna“.
L'articolo Serbia, Vucic riconosce la sconfitta: “Abbiamo perso le elezioni”. Agli Studenti il 52% dei voti. A Belgrado e in altre città è festa per strada proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.
Student List movement projected to have 141 seats in the new parliament, well clear of the 126 required for majority
The latest turnout projection by Ipsos/Cesid suggests a turnout of 60.8% by 5pm local time (4pm UK), with three hours still to go until the polling stations close.
That’s more than 13 percentage points higher than in 2023, and would be the highest turnout since mid-2000s.
“What hasn’t motivated me? There isn’t a single reason I could give that would keep me from showing up at my polling station at 6:20 in the morning.”
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© Photograph: Armin Durgut/AP
© Photograph: Armin Durgut/AP
© Photograph: Armin Durgut/AP
Affluenza altissima in Serbia per le elezioni parlamentari, che vedono la sfida tra la coalizione Aleksandar Vucic – Serbia unita, guidata dal Partito progressista serbo (Sns) e la Lista studentesca, originata dal movimento di protesta. Alle urne è andato il 73,6%, dei 6,4 i milioni di serbi con diritto di voto, record da oltre 30 anni.
Secondo diversi analisti, un’elevata affluenza favorisce la coalizione di opposizione “Lista studentesca”. Dopo aver votato in una scuola materna alla periferia di Belgrado, Vucic ha dichiarato alla stampa di auspicare che le operazioni di voto si svolgano senza intoppi. Interpellato dalla stampa su un suo eventuale ritiro dalla politica in caso di sconfitta, il cinquantaseienne Vucic ha risposto che è necessario attendere i risultati. “Finora tutto è apparso molto ben organizzato e le operazioni di voto si stanno svolgendo senza problemi”, ha osservato Gilles Baum, capo della missione di osservazione elettorale dell’Organizzazione per la sicurezza e la cooperazione in Europa (Osce).
Ciononostante, l’Ong Center for Research, Transparency and Accountability ha segnalato alcuni episodi, tra cui lievi ritardi nell’apertura del 16% dei seggi e iniziali difficoltà per gli osservatori indipendenti nell’accedere ai centri di voto. In precedenza, l’organizzazione aveva denunciato gravi irregolarità durante la campagna elettorale, come coercizioni ai danni dell’opposizione, varie forme di pressione, compravendita di voti e campagne manipolatorie da parte di organi di informazione vicini a Vucic, la maggior parte dei quali assume posizioni ostili all’opposizione.
In particolare, a Kladovo, nel centro del Paese, un membro dell’opposizione della locale commissione elettorale ha segnalato una anomala e massiccia lista di persone che richiedevano, senza che sia stato certificato un impedimento, di poter votare a casa, cioè non al seggio: numero che sarebbe cresciuto da 115 a 460. La denuncia evidenzia che alcuni membri della commissione avrebbero introdotto liste di nomi consegnate da sconosciuti, sollevando il forte sospetto che centinaia di cittadini siano stati iscritti a loro insaputa. Disordini fisici sono stati segnalati nel Comune di Doljevac, nel sud della Serbia, dove, si legge una trentina di individui dall’aspetto ostile sarebbero entrate in un seggio, “aggredendo alcune persone presenti“. Due aggressioni con spray al peperoncino vengono segnalate a Zvezdara (Belgrado) e Pančevo. A proposito di Pančevo, segnalato anche un gruppo di uomini mascherati che ha aggredito alcuni giovani nei pressi di un seggio elettorale.
Lo riferisce l’emittente serba “N1”, citando il portale locale “Pancevo.city” e le immagini dell’aggressione diffuse sui social media. Secondo la ricostruzione, gli aggressori, vestiti di nero, con cappucci e volti coperti, hanno colpito un gruppo di giovani all’esterno della scuola agraria che ospita il seggio, utilizzando anche bastoni e torce pirotecniche. Uno dei ragazzi è rimasto ferito al volto, come mostrano le immagini pubblicate online. Gli agenti di polizia sono intervenuti sul posto dopo aver appreso dell’accaduto attraverso i mezzi d’informazione. Secondo quanto riferito a “N1” dalla polizia, al momento del primo intervento non risultava presentata una denuncia formale. Queste elezioni sono considerate le più decisive e combattute in Serbia dal 2000.
L'articolo Per le presidenziali in Serbia l’affluenza più alta degli ultimi 30 anni. La lista degli studenti: “Vucic sta chiamando in strada i suoi sostenitori” proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.
On Sunday, Polling stations opened across Serbia at 7 a.m. local time in snap parliamentary elections to elect the country’s 250-seat National Assembly.
RELATED:
Aleksander Vucic, Serbian President, Resigns
About 6.45 million registered voters are eligible to cast ballots at nearly 8,400 polling stations, including over 90 abroad. Polls in Serbia are scheduled to close at 8 p.m. local time. More than 16,000 domestic and foreign observers are monitoring the vote.
Eighteen electoral lists comprising 2,418 candidates are competing for parliamentary seats. The competing lists include “Aleksandar Vucic – United Serbia” led by the Serbian Progressive Party, “Student List – Students Win” backed by student groups, and “Ivica Dacic – Stability Factor!” formed by the Socialist Party of Serbia and its allies.
Serbia elects its parliament through proportional representation in a single nationwide constituency, with voters choosing electoral lists rather than individual candidates.
Electoral lists generally need votes equivalent to at least 3 percent of the number of voters who cast ballots to qualify for seat allocation. At least 126 seats are needed for a parliamentary majority.
Under Serbia’s election law, election results must be published within 96 hours. The newly elected National Assembly must hold its first sitting within 30 days. If it fails to elect a government within 90 days, the assembly must be dissolved and new parliamentary elections called.
… 🚨
— Molitva Duse (@MolitvaDuse) October 25, 2026
Voting is taking place in Serbia today. People have been lining up since 6 a.m. Among them is Aleksandar Vučić, whose rule students have been protesting against for the past two years.
Everyone is standing in line, yet no one approaches him to say hello, no one offers a… pic.twitter.com/YnGOLF2qeh
Vucic Pledges Responsible Approach to Election Results
On Sunday, Former Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic said that his camp would act responsibly and respect voters’ will in the country’s snap parliamentary elections.
Speaking to reporters after casting his ballot in Belgrade, Vucic said, “If we lose, we will recognize the electoral will; if we win, no one will take it away.” He added that he expected a high turnout and the Serbian people to express their will democratically.
“Whatever the outcome, we will remain courteous and polite,” Vucic said. Unlike some who had never congratulated their opponents, his camp would give no one cause for concern, he added.
“As for the result, let’s wait and see tonight,” he said. He expected preliminary results to emerge between 10 p.m. (2100 GMT) and midnight local time.
teleSUR/ JF
Source: Xinhua
Milosh si è laureato due giorni fa in ingegneria al politecnico di Milano e spera che il suo regalo sarà la vittoria alle elezioni di oggi della Lista degli Studenti che è nata proprio nella sua città di origine: Novi Sad. È proprio in questa città della Serbia dove due anni fa ha cominciato a formarsi il movimento studentesco che potrebbe far perdere la scommessa all’ex presidente della Repubblica, già primo ministro, Alexandar Vucic, dimessosi tre mesi fa allo scopo di indire elezioni legislative anticipate e candidarsi di nuovo alla guida dell’esecutivo, non potendo più aspirare a rimanere alla presidenza per la terza volta quando l’anno prossimo i 6.5 milioni di serbi aventi diritto al voto dovranno eleggere il nuovo capo dello Stato.
Vucic pur essendo al potere da 14 anni con il suo “partito Progressista Serbo” (SNC) neo liberista conservatore non ne vuole sapere di lasciarlo nonostante da ben 24 mesi ci siano manifestazioni di massa contro di lui e il suo partito. Iniziate nelle università di Novi Sad, in seguito alla caduta di una pensilina da poco ristrutturata della stazione ferroviaria in cui rimasero uccise 16 persone, tra le quali alcuni universitari, le dimostrazioni hanno subito coinvolto oltre agli studenti anche i docenti di tutte le scuole e buona parte della società civile. La ragione principale della rabbia popolare, estesasi di giorno in giorno a tutto il paese, è la corruzione di Stato. Il crollo della pensilina appena rifatta con i soldi pubblici è diventato insomma l’emblema della massiccia corruzione governativa e istituzionale. Che è una delle cause per cui la Serbia non è ancora riuscita a entrare nell’Unione Europea a cui aspira da tempo.
L’esito delle legislative è dunque rilevante non solo per i serbi ma anche per noi europei e per Russia e Cina, con le quali Belgrado ha da sempre rapporti stretti. Inoltre la parzialità dei media, le intimidazioni agli elettori e le irregolarità nelle liste elettorali fanno sì che qualsiasi risultato potrà tuttavia essere contestato, scatenando proteste di massa e aggravando l’instabilità regionale. “Temo che Vucic farà di tutto per evitare la sconfitta, mi aspetto brogli o peggio”, sottolinea Milosh rientrato in Serbia per votare.
I sondaggi danno SNS e la lista degli studenti testa a testa. Senza il raggiungimento della maggioranza assoluta dei seggi e a causa del sistema proporzionale c’è chi avverte potrà essere impossibile formare una coalizione di governo costringendo il paese a nuove elezioni.
L’SNS di Vucic è il fulcro della lista “Serbia Unita“. Il partito si affida al controllo delle casse pubbliche, a una copertura mediatica favorevole e a un forte sostegno nazionalista, grazie anche alla recente decisione populista di onorare con funerali di Stato il criminale di guerra e genocida Ratko Mladic.
La Lista degli Studenti rifugge le gerarchie di partito e la figura di un unico leader, preferendo accademici e professionisti stimati a livello locale, e opera attraverso le reti universitarie. Ciò significa che i tradizionali partiti di opposizione serbi sono stati in gran parte emarginati, con il loro sostegno complessivo sceso dal 30% al 10-15%. Alcuni partiti si sono dissolti per confluire nella Lista studentesca, mentre altri, come Serbia Europea, alleata naturale nonchè speranza degli studenti, potrebbero non superare la soglia elettorale del 3%. Questa partita elettorale cruciale non solo per il futuro della Serbia potrebbe dunque continuare la prossima settimana, quando i numeri si trasformeranno in trattative e maggioranze.
L'articolo Serbia al voto, la lista degli studenti sfida il partito di Vucic. Perché il voto a Belgrado è importante per l’Europa proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.
Brazil, Israel, Serbia and the US are holding elections within the space of 10 days. Will the authoritarian right cement its global gains, or can pro-democracy forces make a comeback?
Four elections on four continents within 10 days could profoundly reshape global politics, propelling the world further along its current authoritarian trajectory or marking a limited comeback for democratic norms.
In all four contests, basic democratic norms are at stake at a time when autocracy is advancing worldwide at an alarming rate. According to the Sweden-based V-Dem Institute, which uses multivariable assessment tools, the democratic freedoms enjoyed by the average global citizen are down to levels last seen in 1978 – long before the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism in Europe.
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© Illustration: Guardian Design/Getty Images
© Illustration: Guardian Design/Getty Images
© Illustration: Guardian Design/Getty Images
Domenica la Serbia andrà al voto anticipato: può finire l’era targata Vucic (e quindi le preoccupazioni europee sul feeling con Mosca e Pechino) oppure la piazza degli studenti può influire sul nuovo corso, prendendo il potere. Ma attenzione alle infiltrazioni in entrambi gli schieramenti, dal momento che i collettivi studenteschi non sono immuni da episodi di guerra ibrida, sulla falsariga dei maranza: convocati e indottrinati sui social. Quasi sei milioni e mezzo gli elettori chiamati alle urne in ottomila seggi, compresi quelli per gli elettori residenti in Kosovo e in Bosnia Erzegovina, tutt’altro
Il presidente uscente, Aleksandar Vucic, guida la lista Serbia unita, seguita dalla lista del Partito socialista serbo (Sps) di Ivica Dacic e da quella studentesca Gli studenti vincono. Gli ultimi sondaggi condotti dall’agenzia Ipsos danno Vucic al 47,4% dei consensi, contro il 40 della Lista studentesca, prevedendo con un’affluenza del 64,7%.
La Lista Studentesca nasce dopo l’incidente di Novi Sad, che ha innescato un movimento di protesta contro il regime di Vucic, accusandolo di corruzione. Ieri decine di persone hanno affollato l’ultimo comizio nel Palazzetto dello Sport a chiusura di una campagna elettorale che essenzialmente è bipolare. L’ex presidente si dipinge come l’uomo della continuità, che è il passaggio maggiormente contestato dagli studenti, pront invece a chiedere totale discontinuità.
A sfidare Vucic ci sarà il professore di medicina Ilija Srdanovic che dal novembre 2024, data dell’incidente ferroviario in cui persero la vita 16 persone, ha impostato un certo tipo di impegno politico. Da quel giorno ha costruito un movimento che si è trasformato in partito. È stato anche accusato di far parte di un disegno esterno per destabilizzare il Paese e sostituire Vucic, ma sul punto si è registrata la presa di distanza dell’ex presidente del Montenegro Milo Djukanovic che ha escluso tale scenario e ha contrastato con veemenza le voci di una suo appoggio alla Lista studentesca.
La geopolitica, oltre le liste
Ma non c’è solo l’urna elettorale in quanto tale al centro della disputa di domenica, bensì anche l’aspetto geopolitico: il Paese balcanico è in bilico tra l’ingresso in Ue da un lato e le pressioni di Cina e Russia dall’altro, passando per le sanzioni americane che, ad esempio, hanno spinto la Serbia a cercare un nuovo proprietario per la sua compagnia petrolifera controllata da Gazprom. Nell’ultimo periodo Belgrado ha stretto ancora maggiori relazioni con Pechino. Il partenariato tra Vucic e Xi è considerato “di ferro”, caratterizzato da legami politici, economici e militari che, in concomitanza con l’ascesa di Vucic, si sono ulteriormente cementati. Durante l’incontro dello scorso maggio, i due leader hanno deciso di promuovere congiuntamente quattro iniziative globali, otre ad aver concluso una serie di accordi di cooperazione pluriennale.
Anche la russa Rosatom potrebbe fare i conti con l’ostracismo serbo e sganciarsi dal paese balcanico, dal momento che il suo progetto di costruire una centrale nucleare su larga scala sarebbe in contrasto con il processo di adesione all’Ue. Nel paese intanto montano le preoccupazioni di tipo occupazionale, dopo che la fabbrica tessile turca Kaizen di Smederevo ha avviato la liquidazione, con il rischio che 350 lavoratori restino a casa. Un altro elemento che potrebbe influire sugli umori elettorali, accentuando il voto di protesta.
This article was published on Friday, before the Serbian election on Sunday. The conditions it describes led to the unseating of Aleksandar Vučic who has been at the center of power in Belgrade since 2014. Student List, a leaderless party borne out of Serbia's student movement, won a decisive victory, claiming over 52% of votes compared to 39% for Vučic's party. At nearly 69%, voter turnout was the highest in 30 years.
On his last morning as a professor, Vladimir Mihić taught both an ordinary and quite unique class.
It was early June, the final day of the academic year at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad, Serbia's second biggest city, and Mihić had recently celebrated his 24th year in its classrooms.
The day before, the University Senate had voted — in a secret ballot he and his lawyers say was unlawful — not to reappoint him.
A student asked him to give one more lecture, in public, in front of the Rectorate.
Hundreds attended. There were tears, hugs and gifts.
But it was the quiet morning class with his students, Mihić says, that nearly broke him.
“If you went to the same local tavern for 24 years and it closed down, that would be hard,” he says. “Now imagine walking into a faculty with thousands of students you have taught behind you, and someone tells you: ‘You can't do this anymore’.”
Mihić is one of hundreds of Serbian citizens who have paid for supporting the country's student-led protest movement with their livelihoods.
The movement started on November 1, 2024, when the concrete canopy of the recently renovated railway station in Novi Sad collapsed, killing 16 people — a disaster protesters blamed on corruption, and which ignited the largest demonstrations in Serbia's history.
Nearly two years on, the movement has firmly reshaped Serbian politics. Prime Minister Miloš Vučević resigned all the way back in January 2025. After originally just reshuffling the government, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić called for snap parliamentary elections — the protesters’ main demand for more than a year at this point — which are finally taking place on Sunday, October 25.
A month before the election, on September 27, Vučić stepped down from the presidency to lead his Serbian Progressive Party’s election campaign and run for prime minister, a job he held between 2014 and 2017. Vučić, who has been President since 2017, resigned eight months before his term was due to end in May 2027. He would have been barred from running for a third term, while no such Constitutional barrier exists for prime ministerial terms. Critics argue Vučić, by looking to remain in power, is behaving in the manner of other Eastern European strongmen.
But, for the first time in his reign, Vučić’s grip on power might slip. His main rival is the so-called Student List, a leaderless movement born out of the protests, and the polls constantly disagree on whether it or Vučić is ahead in the race.
Opposition to Vučić has not been confined to just students, however – and nor has the crackdown against it.
In the wake of the student protests, supportive teachers, professors, civil servants, doctors and workers at state-owned companies have been dismissed, demoted, transferred or pushed out. Officially, trade union and civil society groups say, the reasons for dismissal are almost never stated to be support for the students.
But more than 100 school employees alone lost their jobs or had their contracts not renewed in the 2024/2025 school year, according to the Independent Trade Union of Education Workers. The number now far exceeds that, says Civic Initiatives, a prominent local civil rights organization.
Serbia's Commissioner for Protection of Equality keeps no separate tally for “political discrimination,” but on the two grounds that fit — union or political membership, and political convictions — complaints more than doubled in a year, from 31 and 25 in 2024 to 70 and 76 in 2025.
These complaints about discrimination rarely yield redress: of eight formal recommendations made in last year's 85 employment-related cases, only two employers complied, the office said in an email response to Coda’s questions.
Dismissals are only one of the tools of repression the government has used. Since the start of 2026, at least 14 students, activists and opposition politicians have been targeted with advanced spyware, says digital rights group SHARE Foundation. And some of that spyware was installed while they were in police custody, says Amnesty International. Additionally, Serbia recorded 209 press freedom violations in 2025, compared to 84 in the year before. Protesters have been charged with attacking the constitutional order, civil society groups have been branded foreign mercenaries, and university teachers have had their pay cut over the blockades.
Ana Brnabić, currently the acting president of Serbia, was leader of the National Assembly at the time of the student protests and claimed that state institutions had no information that spyware was used against students. Vučić, for his part, has claimed, without evidence, that the Student List is being financed by foreign agents, its political ascent part of a plot to undermine Serbia.
Student List — whose lead candidate (not quite the same thing, the group insists, as a figurehead or party leader) is cardiologist Ilija Srdanović – claims to represent voters fatigued by traditional politics and politicians. It is a posture acknowledged by several opposition parties which have chosen to sit out the elections and endorse Student List instead.
On Sunday, as in so many recent elections around the world, a deeply divided electorate will go to the polls, with watchdogs already warning about intimidation and alleging surveillance and possible electoral manipulation.
But back to June, and Vladimir Mihić’s last day as a professor in Novi Sad. The purge at the Faculty of Philosophy was already underway before Mihić became a national topic.
The first to go was Jelena Kleut, a media studies professor and one of the most visible academic supporters of the protests: in January 2026, the University Senate refused, by secret ballot, to promote her to full professor, thus ending her employment even though expert bodies had approved her promotion and more than 1,200 professors signed a letter of support.
“Sadly, we have indication that this is just the beginning,” Kleut warned, referring to a colleague whose reappointment was also in question.
That colleague was Mihić.
The social psychologist, a tall man with a few grey hairs in his beard and a calm voice, had been, like Kleut, an active supporter of the student protests.
“I could not watch it on television while just sitting around,” he says.
On paper, his reappointment was beyond dispute, his file reviewed by a committee that included two of the most cited psychologists in the world.
"It was not just that my file was not disputable,” Mihić says, “it exceeded the standards several times over.”
What his unimpeachable file could not survive, though, was an objection lodged twice by Patrik Drid, the dean of the Faculty of Sport and Physical Education and a vocal opponent of the protests.
Drid claims his complaint concerned what he described as Mihić's active political organizing. The chief example of which, Drid said, was a social media call for students to gather in front of Drid's own faculty, “blocking access to those who wished to work and study.” Mihić maintains he organized nothing of the kind, and that Drid’s objections were personal.
On June 4, the University Senate voted, again in secret, which Mihić said the university’s own legal department warned was against the rules. Eight members voted for his reappointment, four against and six abstained. Under the current rules, the abstentions counted against him.
Trade unions from ten faculties called the outcome a brutal attack on university autonomy, but no explanation was given for why Mihić had lost his job.
He appealed, but the expanded Senate confirmed its decision. Now he plans to take his case to the Administrative Court, a legal battle he says could take years.
The unjust dismissals extended beyond university campuses.
Biljana Hrnčić spent 21 years working for the government of Vojvodina, Serbia's northern autonomous province, most recently as head of its press department. She says she had never once faced a disciplinary measure.
That changed after the protests.
Every Friday at exactly 11:52 a.m., the exact time the roof caved in at the Novi Sad station in 2024, Serbians would leave their desks and head out to the streets to honor the dead in silence. Managers walked the halls, watching.
“They went around the offices to see who took part and who didn’t,” Hrnčić said. “At one point they were so malicious that they simply locked people out of the building.”
For Hrnčić, joining in the protests was unavoidable. Both her children are students. “My children are in the streets,” she said. “It is more than natural that I would walk out onto that same street.”
In September 2025, with street demonstrations still ongoing, Hrnčić and six colleagues were moved into a new department at work. Two months later, the government abolished the department and its entire staff became “unassigned.”
The provincial government of Vojvodina did not respond to Coda’s questions for this story.
“It is a horrifying feeling,” says Hrnčić, who still looks harrowed by her ordeal. “20 years of daily work, never a single disciplinary problem, and you find yourself on the street asking what just happened.”
She and her colleagues are living off their severance pay and their savings while they wait for their cases to be heard in the Administrative Court.
Many of those dismissed have taken their case to Administrative Court, but even winning there guarantees little.
Dragoslav Ljubičić was chief steward of the Nezavisnost union at the Serbian state’s largest thermal power plant. Five years short of retirement, he was a marked man even before the student protests as a rare insider willing, in his words, to call out the mismanagement of the utility.
When the roof fell, he joined the protests immediately, holding 16-minute silences at the plant — one minute for each victim — and organized the first joint rally of students and workers in front of the state-owned electricity company EPS’s Belgrade headquarters.
In January 2025, he received a formal warning citing his Facebook posts. On February 12, managers tried to hand him a dismissal letter at work. He refused to sign it. Six days later, he signed and then sued.
EPS has publicly denied he was dismissed over the protests or his union activity. It said Ljubičić broke its code of conduct, without specifying how. EPS did not respond to questions for this story.
A judge ordered EPS to reinstate Ljubičić until his case could be heard, a decision it could not appeal. But, he said, “they did not give me back my job. They gave me a fixed-term contract and a post that did not match my qualifications at nearly half my previous pay.”
For continuing to complain about his treatment, EPS transferred him to a job that included an exhausting commute from his home.
Ljubičić’s lawyer, Ivan Ninić, who represents a string of dismissed workers, says this is the EPS playbook. Every ruling against the company is automatically appealed, at the expense of the public budget. “We took you back because the law says so,” Ninić said, describing EPS’s attitude. “Now we will make your life hell until you quit on your own.”
Serbian law, he says, is largely on the side of workers; the problem, though, is that the process takes years.
Still, Ljubičić has little patience for the slogan his supporters chant.
“The message ‘Justice for Ljubičić’ misses the point,” he says. “The real message is: stop the dismissals. Mine was the first. And then there came a wave of dismissals across Serbia, most of which the public never heard about.”
Despite the professional and financial hardship, neither Ljubičić, Mihić or Hrnčić expressed any regret. “There has not been a fraction of a second in which I have thought, ‘why did I need to do this.’I could never forgive myself if I hadn't done what I did,” says Mihić.
On Sunday, Serbians will have a long-awaited chance to exorcise their feelings of injustice. The answer to the question of whether it will be enough for a student movement to unseat the populist, autocratic Vučić will reverberate around an embattled Europe.
Phineas Rueckert
Natalia Antelava
The post Serbia’s strongman loses to students appeared first on Coda Story.
The election comes amid growing allegations of political intimidation, surveillance and restrictions on independent journalism. International observers have expressed concern about the conditions under which the campaign is taking place, while opinion polls suggest that the opposition Student List could challenge Vučić’s Serbian Progressive Party (SNS).
Vučić, who resigned from the presidency to seek the prime minister’s office, has dominated Serbian politics for more than a decade. His attempt to retain power through a different constitutional position comes at a time when Serbia’s relationship with the European Union has deteriorated over judicial independence, media freedom and its continuing ties with Russia.
The opposition movement developed following the collapse of a railway station canopy in Novi Sad in November 2024, which killed 16 people.
The disaster triggered demonstrations demanding accountability for alleged corruption, failures in public procurement and inadequate construction oversight. What began as a student protest subsequently developed into a nationwide political movement.
As EU Today previously reported, the demonstrations exposed mounting dissatisfaction with the government’s handling of public institutions and corruption allegations.
The Student List, formally registered for Sunday’s election, has brought together academics, professionals and activists who argue that Serbia requires fundamental changes to public administration and political accountability.
Unlike conventional opposition parties, the movement has developed without a single dominant political leader. Its organisers have sought to mobilise voters who previously abstained from elections, including younger citizens dissatisfied with the established political parties.
The movement is fielding 250 candidates and has emerged as the principal electoral challenger to the SNS.
The closing stages of the campaign have been overshadowed by allegations involving Serbian police, intelligence services and political supporters.
A Reuters investigation published on 22nd October documented accounts from activists and journalists describing intimidation, physical attacks and alleged misuse of surveillance technology.
The investigation cited the SHARE Foundation, a Serbian digital rights organisation, which reported that at least 14 individuals had been targeted with advanced spyware.
Independent cybersecurity researchers have also examined alleged attempts to compromise the devices of political activists and opposition figures.
Serbian authorities have denied accusations of systematic political repression and rejected allegations that state agencies conducted unlawful surveillance.
Concerns about media freedom have nevertheless intensified. Reporters Without Borders ranked Serbia 104th among 180 countries in its 2026 World Press Freedom Index, reflecting a deterioration in the environment for independent journalism.
The ruling party maintains that it remains committed to democratic institutions and Serbia’s European integration.
The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights has deployed an election observation mission to monitor campaigning, electoral administration and voting procedures.
Its mission includes 14 core experts and 30 long-term observers, with additional short-term observers requested for election day.
A delegation from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe is also observing the election alongside representatives of the European Parliament and other international institutions.
Earlier this month, the Council of Europe’s pre-electoral delegation described the campaign environment as highly polarised and called for electoral rights to be respected.
The findings of international observers will become particularly important if the result is close or either side disputes the count.
Preliminary assessments are expected on 26th October.
The election could influence Serbia’s accession negotiations with the European Union, which have made limited progress despite Belgrade’s formal commitment to membership.
Brussels has repeatedly raised concerns about judicial independence, the treatment of journalists, corruption and Serbia’s alignment with European foreign policy.
As EU Today examined in July, the failure to advance accession negotiations reflects disagreements extending beyond individual judicial reforms.
Serbia has maintained close economic and political relationships with Russia and China while continuing to seek access to European markets and investment.
A victory for the Student List could create an opportunity to reconsider the country’s approach to EU integration, although its candidates would still face the difficulties of governing a politically divided country.
A victory for Vučić would preserve much of Serbia’s existing political leadership, but the scale of the opposition challenge suggests that domestic pressure for institutional reform would continue.
Much will depend on turnout, the distribution of parliamentary seats and whether the results are accepted as legitimate.
For Brussels, Sunday’s election will be an immediate test of its enlargement policy in the Western Balkans and its ability to reconcile strategic interests with the democratic requirements attached to EU membership.
In today’s newsletter: Born from the fury surrounding the deadly Novi Sad station collapse, Serbia’s Student List has taken its protests all the way to the elections in an unprecedented grassroots campaign
Good morning. As waves of youth-led protests swell across Europe, prompted by the cost of living, unaffordable housing and education standards, in Serbia the younger generation is taking on the apparatus of the state itself.
In tight-run parliamentary elections this Sunday, the country’s most consequential political movement in decades, Student List, is challenging former Slobodan Milošević henchman Aleksandar Vučić and his 12-year domination of Serbian politics.
UK news | Every Briton is being urged to stock up to nine litres of bottled water and three days’ worth of food in new government guidance designed to ensure that households can survive a weather, cyber or other serious emergency.
Ukraine | Russia has carried out a massive “demonstrative” attack on Ukraine, bombarding Kyiv with ballistic missiles just hours after Vladimir Putin said he had agreed to resume trilateral negotiations.
UK politics | Nigel Farage’s newest billionaire donor was in business with a powerful Iranian religious foundation under the authority of the country’s supreme leader.
Europe news | Emmanuel Macron has said “illegitimate” demonstrations will be banned over the coming days as France seeks to get a grip on civil unrest after some of its worst street violence in years.
Energy | Great Britain is expected to pay some of the highest energy costs in Europe this winter as its reliance on imports to ensure a steady supply is forecast to deepen.
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© Photograph: Armin Durgut/AP
© Photograph: Armin Durgut/AP
© Photograph: Armin Durgut/AP
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