Former Colombian President Gustavo Petro has been accused of trapping and exploiting 48 women for presidential parties, with officials alleging they were hired "just to be with President Petro."
Carlos Andrés Ríos, director of Colombia’s Administrative Department of the Presidency (DAPRE), claimed Petro oversaw a system that used service contracts to "systematically" control and weaponize the women, channeling public salaries in exchange for intimate relationships.
"We are going to prove to the Colombian people how the Casa de Nariño was unfortunately set up, organized, and tailored for something completely different — not to govern, but to party there every single day, bring in women," Rios said during a congressional hearing last week.
He argued that while his office provided state-funded aid programs for vulnerable women, he claimed that it is fundamentally different from giving contracts to individuals in exchange for sexual favors.
"Helping poor women, female heads of households, and those engaged in sex work so that they have different life options — as I have demonstrated in public administration through concrete and funded programs — is something very different from giving out contracts in exchange for sexual relations. No person who has participated in those public programs will ever be able to say that I have done anything of the sort," he said.
Petro also acknowledged in the statement that he had occasionally visited establishments where sex work took place when he was young, saying he regretted the experiences and had stopped visiting such places decades ago.
"When I was very young, I occasionally visited places where sex work was practiced. There, I experienced that paying for sex felt dirty to me, and I perceived the sadness of the men and women who attended those places. That is why I stopped visiting them decades ago," he said.
The accusations come amid broader criticism of Petro over alleged misuse of public funds, depletion of national budgets and drug trafficking.
Petro has dismissed the allegations as politically motivated attacks by figures such as President Donald Trump and Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella.
"After attempting to portray me as corrupt and a drug trafficker — an intention expressed by people like Abelardo de la Espriella and Donald Trump, without being able to present a single piece of evidence of corruption or drug trafficking, because I have never stolen a single peso from the public treasury and I have fought for over two decades against drug traffickers, exposing their political ties," Petro said.
Fox News Digital reached out to the White House for comment.
Ahead of Israel’s Oct. 27 national vote, President Donald Trump issued a sweeping endorsement of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s re-election bid, calling him a "great warrior," an "even greater partner for peace" and an ally in the confrontation with Iran.
The backing could give Israel’s longest-serving prime minister a boost ahead of the country’s first national vote since the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, massacre. The election is widely viewed in Israel as a referendum on whether to grant Netanyahu another term to pursue his war objectives, including disarming Hamas and Hezbollah and countering the nuclear threat from the Islamic Republic.
In response, Netanyahu thanked Trump for his "extraordinary endorsement." "Together we will never let Iran’s regime get nuclear weapons," he said.
Addressing the endorsement, Doron Spielman, international spokesman for the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, told Fox News Digital that no personal or professional bond in the history of U.S.-Israel relations compares with the current partnership.
"Israel and the U.S. have stood together as the two countries bearing the torch for the West, and that is a direct result of the incredible relationship between President Trump and Netanyahu," he said.
He reiterated Netanyahu’s long-standing foreign-policy priority and central campaign promise: ensuring that Iran does not acquire atomic bombs under his watch.
"Israel prefers to do this with the U.S., which has been our greatest ally and friend, and who has already entered the front with us twice. But already at the time of Operation Rising Lion, Israel showed that it was willing to act alone. Israel acted for over a week before the U.S. joined," he said, in reference to the June 2025 military mission against Iran.
Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, with roughly 20 years in office, Netanyahu began his diplomatic career in 1982 as deputy chief of mission at Israel’s embassy in Washington, D.C. He served as Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations from 1984 to 1988 before entering politics with Likud. He became the party’s chairman in 1993 and was first elected premier in 1996.
After losing the 1999 election, Netanyahu returned to government in 2002 as foreign minister and later served as finance minister. He returned to the premiership in 2009, serving until 2021 and again from late 2022. He is widely credited with liberalizing Israel’s economy and helping transform the country into a global high-tech hub.
Netanyahu’s current political allies include Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit, Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionism-Zehut, and the ultra-Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism. The newcomer Amcha Yisrael, led by Ofer Winter, could also join the bloc, although Winter is currently feuding with Likud over concerns that his party, which is hovering near the electoral threshold, could split the right-wing vote and potentially "waste" tens of thousands of ballots.
According to most Hebrew-language media polls, neither Netanyahu’s bloc nor the opposition led by Gadi Eisenkot currently has a clear path to securing the 61 Knesset seats needed to form a government.
If no candidate can assemble a governing coalition, Israel could head to another election, repeating the cycle of political instability that saw the country hold four national votes between April 2019 and March 2021.
Dan Diker, president of the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs, told Fox News Digital that any incoming government will face the same formidable security challenges as the current one, with few prospects for quick victories.
"The major challenge in this election will be what Netanyahu discussed in terms of adjusting the national security concept to prioritize prevention. That means taking very serious, assertive and aggressive military counterterrorism and nonmilitary actions against our enemies," Diker said.
The Israeli left, center and even far-right believe Netanyahu has failed to meet the expectations associated with his image as "Mr. Security," according to professor Tamar Hermann, a senior researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute.
"He promised to topple the Iranian regime, he promised to dismantle Hamas, he promised to crush Hezbollah. None of it was achieved," Hermann told Fox News Digital. "He gave a green light to not punishing vigilantes in the settlements who act against Palestinians. He also gave too much to the ultra-Orthodox parties, giving up on the idea of universal conscription."
Hermann said that Netanyahu’s current term has been his least successful, beginning with the judicial reform push, which triggered mass protests in 2023, and followed by the Palestinian terror attacks on Oct. 7. Netanyahu subsequently faced public anger over his handling of the hostage crisis, although, in coordination with Trump and his envoys, he ultimately secured the return of all the captives.
"In the eyes of some, his legacy will be that he inflicted a huge disaster upon Israel in terms of what happened to civilians on Oct. 7 and the deterioration of Israel’s international image," she said.
Michael Oren, a former Israeli ambassador to the United States, framed the upcoming election in terms of legacy and how Netanyahu will be remembered 50 years from now.
"There are two types of leaders: leaders in history and leaders of history," he told Fox News Digital. "There are leaders who go into office and perform as best they can, and there are leaders who go into office and see themselves as transformative, as having a historical role like Abraham Lincoln, Roosevelt or Churchill. Benjamin Netanyahu belongs to this category."
Oren said Netanyahu sees his mission as saving Israel from existential threats, foremost among them Iran, a goal he has yet to achieve.
"He is willing to endure virtually limitless criticism and condemnation around the world, as well as mass demonstrations against him, to fulfill this one role," he said. "To understand that is to understand Benjamin Netanyahu: He is a leader of history."
This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on Oct. 26, 2026.It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.
“There is nothing inevitable about the far right,” said one former Obama administration official Sunday night as supporters of the left-wing Student List in Serbia poured into the streets of Belgrade and other cities across the Balkan country, celebrating their defeat of right-wing President Aleksandar Vučić, who has led the nation for nearly a decade and has been accused of corruption and autocratic rule.
The Student List’s victory coincided with that of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who was also backed by a student-led movement that marched through Rio de Janeiro and other cities in recent weeks, as US President Donald Trump was accused of election interference on behalf of right-wing Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, Lula’s opponent.
Both countries reported high voter turnout in the pivotal elections, proving, as journalist Anne Applebaum said, “that voters can alter what feels like a historical shift.”
In years of genocide hope came from the young
In Serbia 2 yrs of youth-led protest -integrity, unity, perseverance- brought change
Today that hope is a rainbow its far end in Brazil
May it shine wherever wounds run deep and the young are fighting the old
— Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur oPt (@FranceskAlbs) October 26, 2026
In Serbia, Vučić said it was “clear that we have lost the election,” as results showed his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) had won about 105 seats while the Student List had won at least 135.
The Student List movement, officially registered by the Republic Electoral Commission as “Studentska lista—Studenti pobeđuju” (Student List—Students Win) began in November 2024 after the concrete roof of a newly renovated train station in Novi Sad collapsed, killing 16 people. Students and other Serbians blamed corruption and negligence by Vučić’s government, and soon began blockades at a majority of the country’s higher education institutions.
Rallies in the coming year drew hundreds of thousands of people. The political movement that grew out of the sustained protests called for an independent judiciary, a special prosecutor to hold public officials accountable, independent reviews of major infrastructure projects, a higher minimum wage, and better funding for education, healthcare, and agriculture.
A cardiologist and professor from Novi Sad, Ilija Srdanović, topped the list of 250 candidates that the Student List put forward ahead of the snap elections on Sunday, but the movement has said Srdanović will not automatically be its choice for prime minister. The list of candidates for Serbia’s 250-seat Parliament includes doctors, farmers, activists, athletes, and actors.
“Never again tyrants in our country,” Srdanović said after the defeat of Vučić, who was prime minister before becoming president in 2017 and has been Serbia’s central political figure since 2012, developing a reputation for threatening his critics and cracking down on press freedom.
One Student List supporter, Sara, told The Guardian in Belgrade, “It’s very strange that on the very streets where the police beat us, on the streets where we retreated countless times in the face of the gendarmerie, we are now standing here as the victors.”
Nebojsa Cosic said to Reuters: “The people have won! The people defeated a dictator! The people will lead Serbia!”
In Brazil, thousands rallied ahead of the runoff election between Lula and Bolsonaro, the son of convicted former President Jair Bolsonaro, a close Trump ally who is serving a 27-year sentence under house arrest for orchestrating a coup attempt after his election loss in 2022.
Right-wing candidates won a significant number of seats in the earlier elections, which followed Trump’s push to secure partnerships across Latin America—stoking fears that Bolsonaro could win Sunday’s runoff and pushing students to lead pro-Lula rallies and marches across the country.
At a Copacabana Beach rally in Rio on Saturday, supporters carried a yellow and green banner that read, “We are going to turn this around!”
Isabella Graze, a retired teacher who joined a 10-million member WhatsApp group aimed at mobilizing pro-Lula voters, told The Guardian that “being a soldier in Lula’s army… means fighting for Brazilian democracy. This isn’t a normal election.”
Huge respect to the organizers, activists and voters of Brazil and Serbia. These results are due to so much work and they give us so much hope. There is nothing inevitable about the far right.
The Serbian and Brazilian elections came two days before Israelis are set to vote, potentially ending the long-running term of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, an accused war criminal whose US-backed government has waged war on Gaza, killing more than 74,000 Palestinians, and pushed to violently take control of more of the occupied West Bank.
They also came just over a week before the midterm elections in the US, with Democrats pushing for congressional control to rein in Trump for the final two years of his term. The campaign has been marked by openly racist, anti-Muslim attacks by Trump and his allies on Michigan US Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, a Republican ad claiming that Ohio Democratic gubernatorial candidate Amy Acton lied about her abusive childhood, and persistent claims by the president that the cost of living is down, contrary to all evidence.
“Feeling so much hope from the results out of Serbia and Brazil,” said Rep. Yassamin Ansari (D-Ariz.). “This took tremendous people power, organizing, and grit. Now it’s time to turn our country around, too.”
Kenneth Roth, former executive director of Human Rights Watch, said Sunday was “a good day for democracy.”
“Israel could be next on Tuesday, then the US midterms the following week,” said Roth. “The best case against the autocrats is the autocrat.”
This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on Oct. 26, 2026.It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.
In a historic comeback, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva triumphed in Sunday’s run-off election over right-wing challenger Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of former Brazilian President and convicted coup-plotter Jair Bolsonaro.
Lula’s victory comes despite the best efforts of US President Donald Trump and his Big Tech backers, as Trump’s administration openly intervened on behalf of Bolsonaro and Meta boosted pro-Bolsonaro over pro-Lula content on its social media platforms.
“Lula won, Brazil won, democracy won, the Americas won,” saidPennsylvania Democratic House nominee Chris Rabb from Lula’s campaign headquarters in Sao Paulo, Brazil, after the results were announced around 9:15 pm Brasilia time. “They declared victory for Lula da Silva for his fourth term against a raging fascist, rubber-stamped for Donald Trump.”
“These elections have represented a historic victory for the majority of the Brazilian people, who mobilized to defend democracy against the threat of fascism.”
Rabb noted that Lula’s victory marked an important turning point for the left in Latin America, as far-right parties hadwon every other national election in the region since the start of Trump’s second term. “This is the first victory for democracy in this hemisphere since Trump took office,” Rabb said.
ith 99.99% of the votes counted, Lula won by 51.79% to Bolsonario’s 48.21%, making him the first Brazilian candidate since the restoration of democracy in 1985 to win a second-round election after coming in second in the initial round.
“I would like to thank the Brazilian people for the generosity they have shown me for a long time,” Lula said in his victory speech in São Paulo late Sunday. “And, in this second round, I want to thank the generosity of the Brazilian youth, who took to the streets to defend democracy.”
After finishing two percentage points behind Bolsonaro in the October 4 poll, Lula re-energized his campaign by finally shortening the Brazilian workweek from six to five days, as his supporters launched demonstrations against the far-right.
“These elections have represented a historic victory for the majority of the Brazilian people, who mobilized to defend democracy against the threat of fascism,” Francesca Emanuele, senior international policy associate with the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), told Common Dreams from Sao Paulo, Brazil, where she was monitoring the elections. “It was the Brazilian people themselves (students, working-class, and middle-class Brazilians) who took to the streets and mobilized tirelessly from the very first day after the first round of voting to overturn the first-round results and secure Lula’s victory.”
Reginaldo Lopes, a federal deputy for Lula’s Workers’ Party, told The Guardian: “I feel incredible… This is Brazil telling the world that the extreme right is fascist, that the extreme right is against Black people, is against the poor, against the state, against gay people… We are going to reorganize the democratic forces [in this country.]”
Sunday’s victory did not come easily, as the Lula campaign complained of bus shortages in the key cities of Salvador and Sao Paulo, requesting that the Brazilian Supreme Court extend the voting by two hours. The court granted the request, so polls closed at 7 pm Brasilia time instead of 5 pm.
“Lula’s win is the first good news for the planet in a while!”
“Lula has won despite the unfair practices his campaign has faced from Meta, interference from the Trump administration, and severe disruptions to public transportation on election day in major cities (where up to 50% of bus fleets were reportedly out of service),” Emanuele told Common Dreams. “These disruptions disproportionately affected working-class voters, who rely heavily on public transportation and have historically been a key part of Lula’s electoral base.”
She continued: “Despite all these obstacles, Lula’s campaign managed to turn around a first-round result that, just a few weeks ago, had seemed extremely difficult to reverse. This is a major victory for the majority of the Brazilian people.”
Several advocates and lawmakers hailed the election results as a rebuke to the far-right and the Trump administration in particular.
“During his campaign, President Lula characterized 2026’s elections as a choice between ‘sovereignty or submission.’ Brazil has clearly chosen sovereignty,” the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), who sent a delegation to observe both rounds of Brazil’s elections, wrote in a statement.
Progressive Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) posted on social media: “People all across the world are fighting back against extremism. With Lula in Brazil, they just won. Authoritarian leaders always attack democracy because they stand no chance against the will of their people. Trump must respect the results and not undermine Brazil’s elections.”
Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) said: “Congratulations to Lula on his extraordinary reelection victory in the Brazilian presidential election. Lula has stood up for Brazilian workers & democracy—and will continue to do so in the next four years.”
“Lula’s hard-fought victory is an indictment on the right-wing wave sweeping through Latin America,” Joseph Bouchard, a journalist and researcher who focuses on Latin America, told Common Dreams. “Except for [ Salvadorian President Nayib] Bukele, the right across the region is still incredibly unpopular, and rightly seen as corrupt, autocratic, and uncommitted to fixing systemic issues. Lula shows there is still a fight for democracy worth having, while the region is plunged into its darkest, most regressive period since the Cold War. The entire region is populated by vassal states for US interests, who have declared states of exception to curtail rights, freedoms, and basic principles of social democracy, in the name of a failed and anti-human war on drugs.”
Lula’s victory also has planetary consequences, as he broughtdeforestation in the Amazon rainforest back down to record lows after it accelerated during the tenure of Jair Bolsonaro, who attacked environmental protections and Indigenous rights.
“Lula’s win is the first good news for the planet in a while!” wrote350.org and Third Act co-founder Bill McKibben. “I bet it shaves a tenth of a degree off how hot our Earth eventually gets, which will save millions of lives. Thank you Brazil!”
Lula still faces a fight ahead, as Bolsonaro announced it was “impossible to concede the election result” due to the extension of polling hours, even though his team had also sought an extension in parts of southeastern Brazil because of unfavorable weather.
Bouchard pointed out that “Lula will fight an uphill battle with a far-right Congress, inept Supreme Court, and constant outside pressure..”
“Trump’s silence on the result is worrisome, with Flavio not conceding and demanding an annulment,” he told Common Dreams. “Sadly, much of the corporate press has legitimated these claims, despite the right’s concerted efforts at destroying democracy. No matter how much the authoritarians try to tip the scales, the people can still prevail, if the left is willing to fight. This might prove to be a confidence boost to the demoralized and overpowered left all over the region, and may hopefully set the region back toward progress, hard fought after decades of dictatorship and neoliberal transitions.”
US-based Lula allies urged others in the US to defend Brazil’s democracy from Trump administration interference and to take their own stand against the far-right in the upcoming midterm elections.
The DSA wrote:
However, the fight continues—the thin margin of this victory indicates that continued struggle and mobilization will be crucial. As global capitalism fails to solve worsening problems of its own making, the capitalists turn to right-wing authoritarianism. Brazil’s left-wing coalition will face a right-wing Congress at home, a hostile Trump administration in the US, and hostile capitalists both [at] home and abroad in the years ahead. We of the DSA stand in solidarity with our comrades in the PT [Lula’s Partido dos Trabalhadores], PSOL [Brazil’s left-wing Socialism and Liberty Party], and Brazilian social movements in this fight for democratic self-determination.
This solidarity means recognizing our country’s role in the threat to Brazilian democracy. These elections were marred by interference from the US, whether by Trump’s politically motivated tariffs, or by manipulation of social media by US-based tech companies like Meta. They aimed to subvert Brazil’s democracy to favor its far-right allies grouped in the “Shield of the Americas,” and to get their hands on crucial natural resources, such as lithium, cobalt, and rare earth minerals as well as petroleum and iron ore, which Brazil possesses in abundance and which Lula has sworn to protect as national patrimony. The DSA categorically denounces these meddlesome, imperialist efforts. We fight for a working-class foreign policy—one which centers peace, multilateralism, and respects national self-determination, free from US interference.
Rabb concluded his message with a call to action, and a celebration: “This is a big deal for us in the United States. This shows that Trumpismo is waning, and it is our responsibility now to make sure that we kill the beast. That beast is injustice, it’s oligarchy, it’s neoliberalism. All of these things. Now it’s our turn, folks. November 3 is right around the corner, but right now I’m going to party with these Brazilians.”
Update: This piece has been updated with commentary from Joseph Bouchard.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett is seeking a political comeback with an ambitious vision for the Middle East: expanding the Abraham Accords, building economic partnerships with Arab nations and rebuilding Israel's strained international relationships, particularly with the United States.
For Bennett, whose American parents moved to Israel from San Francisco, the U.S. connection is both personal and political. The 54-year-old former technology entrepreneur, a familiar face on American television, believes his business background could help him work with President Donald Trump to advance regional diplomacy.
"Naftali Bennett is the right leader to strengthen Israel’s global standing, including among the American people, thanks to his proven track record of working with world leaders and bringing people together, both as prime minister and as a successful businessman," Bennett’s campaign told Fox News Digital.
"We are confident that our great friend in the White House, President Trump, and Israel’s allies around the world will welcome the opportunity to work with Bennett and the new government he intends to form. Together, we will revive the Negev Forum and expand the Abraham Accords, strengthening regional security and stability. That is why so many leaders across the Middle East and beyond who share a vision of a more secure, prosperous and stable region are eager to see Bennett lead Israel’s next government."
"He was a businessman, not a career politician, same as me," Bennett told The Times of Israel in June, referring to Trump. "His worldview is, let's get stuff done. Let's look at results, not process. And that's precisely my view."
Bennett said he would aggressively pursue regional agreements through economic cooperation, seeking to build on the U.S.-brokered Abraham Accords. But while his ambitions overlap with Trump's regional agenda, the president endorsed Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for re-election on Oct. 18.
Bennett also faces an unusual political challenge at home. His joint Beyachad, or Together, party with former Prime Minister Yair Lapid is polling behind both Netanyahu's Likud and former military chief Gadi Eisenkot's Yashar party.
A Channel 12 poll published Oct. 23 projected 23 Knesset seats for Eisenkot, 21 for Netanyahu and 15 for Bennett and Lapid.
Yet Bennett knows better than most Israeli politicians that leading the largest party is not necessary to become prime minister. In 2021, he took office despite his Yamina party winning just seven of the Knesset's 120 seats, demonstrating the power of coalition negotiations in Israel's parliamentary system.
Born in Haifa to American immigrants, Bennett served in Israel's elite Sayeret Matkal and Maglan military units before co-founding cybersecurity company Cyota, which was sold for $145 million in 2005.
He entered politics as Netanyahu's chief of staff, later led the Yesha Council representing West Bank settlements and served as economy, education and defense minister.
A religious Zionist and longtime opponent of Palestinian statehood, Bennett stunned Israel's political establishment in 2021 when he formed a coalition spanning right-wing, centrist, left-wing and Arab parties, ending Netanyahu's 12 consecutive years in power.
The coalition collapsed in 2022, leaving many former supporters accusing him of betraying his electoral promises.
Einat Halevy Levin, a strategic advisor who has known Bennett for years, described a politician who has spent his time outside office preparing for a second opportunity.
"In 2021, he wasn't prepared. He hadn't built a governing party; he had built another election campaign," Halevy Levin told Fox News Digital.
She said she met Bennett at his home in November 2023, following the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, when he had decided to return to politics.
This time, according to Halevy Levin, Bennett spent years building a political organization, carefully screening candidates and developing the infrastructure needed to govern.
"I've known him since he was economy minister. He was always daring and full of creative ideas, but was more inclined to stick to his own views," she said. "He has undergone a transformation."
Bennett's regional ambitions reflect an approach to diplomacy shaped by his business experience, according to Halevy Levin.
She recalled attending a meeting with a senior official from a neighboring country who appeared astonished by Bennett's detailed knowledge of its economy and priorities.
"He wasn't looking at the country through a military lens," she said, describing Bennett's focus on identifying shared economic interests rather than approaching every regional relationship primarily as a security challenge.
In an interview with Israel's Channel 13 on Sunday, two days before the election, Bennett pointed to his meetings as prime minister with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Jordan's King Abdullah II and UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed as examples of the diplomacy he hopes to revive.
He argued that Israel needs to present a new vision of a Middle Eastern renaissance and identified extremist settler violence in the West Bank as a major source of damage to its international standing.
"We need to eliminate Jewish terrorism in Judea and Samaria, and I say this precisely as a supporter of the settlement movement," Bennett said. "They do not represent the overwhelming majority of settlers, but right now this is the problem causing us the greatest damage internationally."
Bennett said he would direct Israel's senior police, military and intelligence officials to produce a plan within three days to crack down on extremist violence.
His foreign policy, however, remains firmly on the Israeli right.
On Iran, Bennett has promoted his "Octopus Doctrine," advocating direct action against Tehran rather than focusing exclusively on Iranian-backed groups.
"If Hezbollah fires at us, we strike Iran," he declared at an Aug. 19 policy conference.
On Gaza, Bennett opposes Palestinian statehood and supports maintaining Israeli security control until Hamas is disarmed. He has also proposed excluding Qatar and Turkey from Gaza's future arrangements while involving Egypt.
Those positions raise questions about how significantly his government would depart from Netanyahu's policies.
Danny Citrinowicz, a senior researcher at Israel's Institute for National Security Studies and former head of the Iran branch in Israeli military intelligence, argued that restoring Israel's diplomatic standing requires more than a change in leadership.
"If Bennett thinks he can support annexing E1 (an area east of Jerusalem where planned Israeli settlement construction could further fragment the West Bank), oppose a Palestinian state, continue the occupation of Gaza and simultaneously meet with Sisi and Abdullah and attract investment to Israel, he simply doesn't understand the depth of the international crisis," Citrinowicz said.
Citrinowicz argued that without a fundamental change in Israeli policy toward the Palestinians, replacing Netanyahu would not be sufficient to restore the country's international standing.
His warning comes amid changing American public attitudes toward Israel. A February 2026 Gallup survey found 36% of Americans sympathized more with Israelis, compared with 41% who sympathized more with Palestinians, a statistically insignificant five-point difference but a significant shift from the long-standing pro-Israel advantage.
A comeback built on lessons from 2021
Beyond foreign policy, Bennett is promising a sweeping domestic overhaul.
In an Oct. 25 manifesto, he pledged to redirect 30 billion shekels in government benefits toward families who work and serve in the military, reduce food prices by 30%, establish a state commission of inquiry into Oct. 7 and introduce an eight-year term limit for prime ministers.
His alliance with Lapid gives him an established political organization, but he faces competition from Eisenkot and continuing attacks from Netanyahu, who has warned that a future opposition coalition could depend on left-wing and Arab parties.
With Israel's fragmented parliamentary system requiring at least 61 seats to govern, coalition negotiations could prove as consequential as the election results themselves.
Bennett has already demonstrated that political reality once.
Now, four years after his first government collapsed, he is seeking to convince Israelis that the unconventional politician who became prime minister with seven seats has returned better prepared — and with a vision that could reshape Israel's place in the Middle East.
The Israeli military launched large-scale domestic military exercises on Sunday to counter surprise border infiltrations and ground raids across northern and central Israel, mobilizing multiple divisions and air assets amid rising regional tensions.
The drills, set to continue over 48 hours, came as an Israeli security expert invoked the 1973 Yom Kippur War, when Egypt and Syria used exercises to disguise preparations for a surprise attack, warning that escalating tensions in the region could in fact trigger what he described as a "dangerous miscalculation."
The large-scale maneuvers, the IDF said, involve the Northern Command’s 210th Division, the West Bank Division, and the Central Command’s 98th and 96th divisions, alongside the Israeli Air Force.
The exercise, scheduled just ahead of Israel's elections Oct. 27, aims to "maintain the forces’ alertness and readiness, strengthen the ability to defend communities, and make full use of aerial capabilities for defense in the area," according to the IDF.
On Friday, the IDF said troops would practice "a variety of scenarios, including a surprise attack and infiltration into Israeli territory by air and land," incorporating lessons learned from the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attacks on Israel.
"This exercise is mostly about non-state actors with or without Iranian support," Israeli national security analyst Dr. Ehud Eilam told Fox News Digital.
"It's aimed at those in Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan who might try to infiltrate into Israel or send ground raids. Some are supported by Iran; others are not. It could be planned by Iran or be a local initiative."
"This is a massive exercise, the biggest one in recent years, aimed at protecting the borders," the former Israeli Ministry of Defense researcher added.
"It's all about making sure that the election day on October 27 will run smoothly. It's also a message to Iran and others: don't try to provoke us during election day, so nothing will be disrupted."
The Israeli drills followed a show of force by Tehran days earlier, during which the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) fired roughly 30 ballistic missiles across two distinct weapon classes, according to reports.
That live-fire display highlighted Iranian strike capabilities and sparked renewed alerts about commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz and prompted the Israeli military to heighten its alert level while maintaining maximum readiness for a targeted strike against Iran.
During a visit to the IDF's Central Command on Wednesday, Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir warned that the risk of escalation was growing.
"Given the numerous warnings across all fronts and the sensitivity of the current period, the potential for escalation has increased," Zamir said.
"To ensure better operational control on the ground, we have reinforced our troop deployments across all sectors, including moving the 98th Division into the area to strengthen security and stability."
"Part of mutual deterrence: a few days ago, Iran had their own pretty big exercise, and that was actually more intimidating as far as Israel is concerned because they launched missiles and prepared for a war with Israel," Eilam said.
"This exercise on Sunday and Monday is against Iran's proxies and allies at the border of Israel."
Sunday’s Israeli drill also followed an Oct. 19 mission in which Israeli fighter jets and aerial refueling tankers flew 800 miles across Syrian and Iraqi airspace to Iran’s border.
Washington was notified in advance and viewed the maneuver as a non-kinetic show of force following the postponement of a broader strike package earlier in the month.
Despite the deterrence signals, Eilam warned that large-scale military exercises carry the "risk of miscalculation" and particularly when troop movements could be mistaken for preparations for an attack.
"During the Cold War, every time the Soviet Union or NATO carried out a major drill, having so many troops in the field meant they might attack if that was the intention," Eilam said.
He pointed to the 1973 Yom Kippur War, when Egypt and Syria used military exercises to help conceal troop buildups along Israel's borders.
Israeli intelligence largely dismissed the movements as routine drills, allowing the two countries to achieve strategic surprise when they launched a coordinated, two-front attack on Yom Kippur.
"The classic example in Israel is 1973, when Egypt and Syria conducted a major exercise just before the war that turned into the actual attack," the analyst said.
"Israel and Iran are now watching each other very closely and both sides suspect the other might strike first," Eilam added before stating that there is the chance of what they call "miscalculation — that each side suspects the other and strikes first by mistake."
"It's all about sending messages to each other."
"It remains uncertain whether there will eventually be an Israeli attack on Iran because it depends on U.S. authorization," Eilam concluded.
Incumbent leftist President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva defeated right-wing challenger Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro in Sunday's presidential second-round runoff, according to Brazil’s electoral court and The Associated Press. The deeply polarized nation returned to the polls for a second round of voting on Sunday.
With 100% of the vote counted, Lula won 51.8% of the vote, defeating Bolsonaro by nearly 4.4 million votes.
Despite trailing by nearly 4.4 million votes, Bolsonaro has refused to concede and has called for the election results to be annulled.
Lula addressed supporters after winning re-election to a fourth, nonconsecutive term, expressing gratitude to the Brazilian people.
"No one is required to like the president-elect, but he must govern for everyone," Lula said.
Referring to his opponent, Lula said, "This was a defeat for denialism and lies."
Lula’s victory followed confusion at polling places after Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Cristiano Zanin ordered a last-minute, two-hour extension of voting nationwide. The order came three minutes before polls were scheduled to close, and some polling places reportedly received word only after they had already closed.
Both the Lula and Bolsonaro campaigns had requested that voting remain open longer, citing transportation problems and severe weather in different parts of the country. Lula’s campaign pointed to problems with buses in São Paulo and Salvador, while Bolsonaro’s campaign cited heavy rain in southern Brazil.
"I've never complained about anything in any election before. Whether I won or lost, I'd just accept it and get ready for the next one. But this time, something abominable is happening," Lula argued.
Bolsonaro called the extension unprecedented and argued that it changed "the rules of the game in the middle of the game." He later asked that the election results be annulled.
Brazil’s electoral court president, Kassio Nunes Marques, said the extension did not affect the results. Legal experts also said Bolsonaro would face a high legal bar to invalidate the election.
Bolsonaro defeated Lula by more than 2.2 million votes in the first round on Oct. 4, with 47% of the vote to Lula’s 45%, but fell short of the 50% majority required to win the election outright.
Lula’s victory marked the first time since Brazil’s military dictatorship ended in 1985 that the second-place finisher in the first round went on to win the presidency.
The victory marks an unprecedented fourth presidential term for Lula and a remarkable comeback victory. The result is even more surprising given that Bolsonaro had led, albeit by tight margins, in recent polling, and Brazil had recently elected a center-right and right-leaning Congress.
Earlier in the day, Lula voted in São Bernardo do Campo, in São Paulo state, while Bolsonaro voted in northern Rio de Janeiro state, which he represents in the Senate.
The first vote tallies came in from Brazilians living overseas, where Lula won a decisive victory in Germany, and Bolsonaro won an overwhelming victory in Japan.
While Bolsonaro performed well in his southern electoral strongholds, winning by comfortable margins in Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Paraná and Rio Grande do Sul, he won those states by smaller margins than in the first round.
His turnout in the south was not enough to overcome Lula's strong support in the North and Northeast, a reflection of the Workers’ Party’s strength in the country's populous "Nordeste" region.
Bolsonaro also turned in a disappointing performance in Minas Gerais, which geographically and politically straddles the Brazilian north-south divide. Often referred to as the nation's quintessential bellwether state, Minas Gerais has historically been viewed as an important indicator of national election results.
While Bolsonaro won Minas Gerais by 5% in the first round, in the second round, it was essentially tied.
Bolsonaro had received endorsements from other first-round candidates: best-selling author Augusto Cury, former Minas Gerais Governor Romeu Zema, and former Goiás Governor Ronaldo Caiado.
However, they were not enough to overcome the Workers’ Party’s established political organization. Lula has now appeared on the presidential ballot seven times, winning four of those elections.
Heading into the first round, Flávio Bolsonaro was effectively able to make the case to working-class and middle-class voters that Lula’s economic policies were driving up living costs.
He painted the Lula administration as bloated, tax-heavy and given to racking up debt, tying those issues to inflation and household finances.
Additionally, his message of hardline law and order appealed to a Brazilian public where voters routinely suggest that violence is the most pressing issue.
Nonetheless, these economic and security concerns were not enough to overcome Lula’s support among voters in the North and Northeast, where he won by wide margins.
While Lula will be riding high heading into a historic fourth term in office, he will face a Congress with a center-right and right-wing majority that analysts have described as among the most conservative in Brazilian history.
While Flávio Bolsonaro lost the 2026 election by a narrow margin, the Bolsonaro movement is certainly not going away and arguably remains an influential force in modern Brazilian politics.
The Lula victory also brings to an end a long string of victories for Trump-backed, right-wing candidates across the region. While Trump had not officially endorsed Flávio Bolsonaro, he made no secret of his preference, and enjoyed a close relationship with the Bolsonaro family.
Looking forward to 2030, all eyes will turn to Bolsonaro clan ally Tarcísio de Freitas, who did not enter the presidential race and instead supported Flávio Bolsonaro. The São Paulo governor is likely to remain a leading figure on the Brazilian right.
In addition to the presidential election, voters in five states, as well as the federal district of Brasília, were also selecting governors in runoff elections.
Fox News Digital's Bradford Betz and The Associated Press contributed to this report.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's former spokesperson urged him Sunday to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin face-to-face in Moscow, arguing that his past business and political connections in the Russian capital from years back could help him negotiate a peace deal there.
Iuliia Mendel, who served as Zelenskyy's spokesperson from 2019 to 2021, told Fox News Digital that the former comedian had also made his first millions in Russia and should perhaps leverage those ties to pursue lasting peace.
"When Zelenskyy was an entertainer, he often performed in Moscow," Mendel said, adding that the Ukrainian president "knows a lot of people from Putin's elite."
"He actually professionally grew in Moscow and earned his first millions in Moscow, and today he pretends that he has nothing in common with them," Mendel said.
"He needs to go to Moscow and needs to agree on compromises that are acceptable," she said, before adding that Zelenskyy "doesn't need to play his maximalist games and to play this noble actor."
Mendel's criticism came as Ukraine, Russia and the United States prepared for another round of technical-level peace talks, potentially in Abu Dhabi or Switzerland, in November.
U.S. envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner have helped lay the groundwork for renewed negotiations that officials hope could finally lead to direct talks between the two leaders.
Before entering politics, Zelenskyy had built a successful entertainment career. Beginning in the late 1990s, he performed with the comedy troupe Kvartal 95, competed on the Russian-language comedy program KVN and later worked as an actor, writer and producer in television and movies.
From the late 1990s, he performed on Russian stages and at private parties and appeared in movies shown across former Soviet republics, Mendel claimed.
She said that after Russia annexed Crimea and launched its war in Donbas in early 2014, Zelenskyy traveled to Russia to work on the comedy film "Eight New Dates" which was released in Russian theaters in 2015.
According to a report by Business Insider, many of Zelenskyy's movies were also in Russian and were marketed to a Russian audience, David Dodson, an American movie editor who worked with Zelenskyy told the outlet.
"He was a well-loved comic, actor and performer in Russia, but after [the 2013-14] Maidan [Revolution], everything changed," Dodson said.
"People need to realize that Volodya’s movies were very big in Russia. Most of his market was in Russia. He’s always been a popular comedy star in Russia," Dobson also clarified to GQ when asked if he directed the former actor in "Eight First Dates" in Russia, released in 2012.
In 2013, the movie received the Russian National Movie Awards as the Best Russian Comedy of the Year.
In 2019, Zelenskyy also promised to relinquish ownership of a Cyprus-registered company operating a film studio in Russia after investigative journalists revealed that he and his business partners still owned three Russian companies, according to the Kyiv Post.
Zelenskyy's entertainment career made him a household name in Ukraine and other former Soviet republics before he entered politics and won Ukraine's 2019 presidential election with roughly 73% of the runoff vote on promises to fight corruption and pursue peace in eastern Ukraine.
Mendel argued that Zelenskyy's promise to bring peace at the time stands in stark contrast to the devastating war that has crippled the country and defined much of his presidency.
"Zelenskyy became the president with 73% record support," Mendel said. "Because he promised to bring peace to Ukraine."
"And now he has been presiding for almost five years (over) the largest war in Europe since World War II. This shows a lot."
"When his country is bleeding, he needs to make a peace deal for his people," she said before adding that the leader "needs to put the interests of his people first, just for Ukraine to exist as an independent state."
Whether Zelenskyy should travel to Moscow has, in fact, become a flashpoint in efforts to arrange direct peace talks.
In 2025, Putin offered to host Zelenskyy for talks in Moscow, but the Ukrainian president rejected the invitation as Russian forces continued attacking Ukraine.
"He can come to Kyiv," Zelenskyy told ABC News at the time, saying he could not visit Moscow while Ukraine remained under Russian missile attacks.
Mendel, however, argued that personal animosity between the two leaders has become the main obstacle to diplomacy.
"Today there are diplomatic efforts to try to stop this brutal and bloody war that Russia started," she said.
"But what we see now is a personal opposition between Zelenskyy and Putin that continues to grow into constant escalation in which people suffer tremendously, Ukraine's infrastructure, energy grid, and businesses are in ruins, and refugees are fleeing."
Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. More than four years later, peace negotiations are deadlocked over territory, security guarantees and the terms of a lasting ceasefire.
Moscow has demanded territorial concessions from Ukraine, including areas Russian forces do not fully control.
Kyiv has rejected ceding sovereign territory and insists that any agreement include enforceable security guarantees against another Russian attack.
Mendel went on to praise President Donald Trump's efforts to break the diplomatic deadlock, calling him the first Western leader to "challenge the status quo" and consistently push for an end to the war.
"For this reason, many Ukrainians place great hope in his ability to bring peace," she said.
"A sustainable peace deal cannot be reached solely between Zelensky and Putin; it requires the involvement and initiative of a strong third party to halt the ongoing devastation."
On Friday, the White House announced that first lady Melania Trump had helped broker a temporary ceasefire in Oleshky, a Russian-occupied town in southern Ukraine's Kherson region, to allow humanitarian aid deliveries, demining operations and civilian evacuations.
An estimated 1,700 to 2,000 people remain in the devastated front-line town, many of them facing severe shortages of food, medicine and other essentials.
The White House said the ceasefire would begin Oct. 29, although Ukrainian and Russian officials have indicated that operations could begin Oct. 27.
Pope Leo also reportedly spoke with Zelenskyy and Putin about the humanitarian crisis, according to Vatican News.
"Melania Trump has become synonymous with the words of a saver and a hero, since she has brokered the deal for Oleshky," Mendel said. "This is something that is going to save around 2,000 people and that neither Ukraine nor Russia could have solved for months and months."
"That is why, you know, what Melania Trump has done is actually a case to show that where two men are fighting, a woman can actually save lives," she added.
"And this is the new approach that would show that peace really should focus on human lives, not on maps and territories."
Mendel also criticized the influence of Zelenskyy's longtime ally Andriy Yermak on his diplomatic approach, arguing that the Ukrainian president has favored confrontation over compromise.
"Mr. Yermak was teaching Zelenskiy to be a strong man in diplomacy. And what today we see is actually diplomacy that doesn't exist," she said.
Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado made returned to her home country on Sunday after nearly a year abroad, re-entering a political landscape transformed by the U.S. ouster of Nicolás Maduro.
"I'm here. With you all," Machado wrote on social media, announcing her return for the first time since December. Her homecoming comes as Venezuela remains under the leadership of acting President Delcy Rodríguez, a longtime Maduro ally backed by the Trump administration, with no presidential election scheduled.
President Donald Trump, asked about Machado's return by reporters in Port Huron, Michigan, said he was unaware of the development but expressed hope for her safety.
"I don't know anything about it, but I think she's a very nice woman," Trump said. "She gave me her Nobel Prize. So how can I say anything else? And I hope she's safe. She's a very nice woman. But we're doing really well in Venezuela."
Machado, who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2025 for her peaceful opposition to Maduro's government, did not disclose her exact location or provide details about how she returned.
Fellow opposition leader Edmundo González, who ran for president in 2024 after Machado was barred from seeking office, confirmed her arrival on social media and said he would join her "very soon."
"Today is a very important day for Venezuelans. Our sovereign voice returns with her to lead and guide this process!" González wrote on X. "You know it, this is until the end."
Machado's return comes nearly 10 months after U.S. forces captured Maduro in January, removing the longtime leader from power.
Rodríguez, Maduro's former vice president, has remained in power with the Trump administration's support, despite exceeding the period she was initially authorized to serve as acting president.
Trump has repeatedly praised his administration's relationship with Rodríguez, highlighting agreements involving Venezuelan oil production and other business ventures with American companies.
In September, Trump said it was too soon to consider holding democratic elections in Venezuela, with U.S. officials prioritizing economic stabilization. Machado and her allies, meanwhile, have pushed for an election date, arguing that democratic governance is essential to the country's long-term stability.
Her return could complicate relations between the Venezuelan opposition, the interim government and Washington. Reuters reported in June that U.S. officials had asked Machado to delay her return.
Machado spent much of 2025 in hiding after being briefly detained following an opposition protest that January. She later secretly left Venezuela and resurfaced in Norway in December to receive the Nobel Peace Prize.
Meanwhile, a faction of the Venezuelan opposition and Rodríguez's government held another round of talks this month focused on reforms to the country's Supreme Court and electoral authorities ahead of eventual elections, Reuters reported.
Polling ahead of Israel’s Oct. 27 election projects that National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit Party will win between seven and ten seats in the 120-member Knesset, potentially making any future government led by Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud Party contingent on his support and positioning him to secure senior ministerial portfolios.
His political rise mirrors a broader trend across Europe and the West, where parties such as Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella's National Rally in France, Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom in the Netherlands, Australia's One Nation leader, Pauline Hanson, Italy’s Matteo Salvini and Germany's Alice Weidel of the AfD have all gained ground on traditional conservative political parties.
The highly controversial Ben-Gvir, as national security minister, oversees the ministry responsible for internal security, including the Israel Police, Israel Prison Service and civilian firearms licensing.
"I always say that Minister Ben-Gvir, if he were in America, he would just be called a Texan," Yishai Fleisher, international spokesman for the Jewish community of Hebron and a candidate ranked No. 12 on the Otzma Yehudit list, told Fox News Digital.
In a video interview with Fox News Digital, Fleisher continued, "Meaning law and order, the death penalty for murderers, tough conditions for jihadists in our prisons and gun rights for the average Jewish person to be able to defend themselves in our national state. That’s what Itamar Ben-Gvir stands for," he added.
Fleisher said that mass immigration had fueled Islamist extremism and unrest in parts of Europe, saying Israelis want to avoid similar developments.
"There is a jihadist takeover that has come in through immigration, and now the streets of Paris are burning, and the people of Belgium and the U.K. want their countries back," Fleisher said. "In Israel, we don’t want to see Tel Aviv burning," prompting politicians to embrace what are known in the United States as "law-and-order" and "tough-on-crime" candidates.
FORMER IDF CHIEF GADI EISENKOT EMERGES AS NETANYAHU’S LEADING ELECTION CHALLENGER Former Israeli Ambassador to Washington Danny Ayalon said that Ben-Gvir had missed an opportunity to change course despite his lack of military service and past conviction, arguing that his tenure had instead had a damaging impact, including on Israel’s diplomatic standing.
"Ben-Gvir spoke in a way that turned the entire world against Israel, portraying it as a racist country by making statements that made Israel a pariah state," Ayalon said.
Fleisher praised Ben-Gvir, who he said has cracked down on protection rackets in southern Israel and made significant progress toward what he described as greater equality for Jews on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, Judaism’s holiest site.
"Minister Ben-Gvir was an activist from a very young age. He saw the dangers and evils of the Oslo process with the Palestinians and tried to stop it. He was arrested and stopped many times because of that, and he faced the court many times. It was then-Chief Justice Aharon Barak who once told him, ‘Why don’t you go study to be a lawyer?’" Fleisher said.
Ben-Gvir, who studied law, became active in public and political affairs and was first elected to the Knesset in 2021. Following the 2022 elections, he was appointed minister of national security by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
His many critics have taken issue with his firebrand style and what many view as a lack of political correctness. Ambassador Ayalon, a former deputy foreign minister, told Fox News Digital that he also viewed Ben-Gvir’s performance as national security minister negatively.
"During his tenure, Israel has become less secure internally because crime is rising. Many young people believed in the last election that he would bring governability and authority to areas such as the Negev and the Galilee, on the outskirts of the country, where there is almost no law," Ayalon said.
In 2007, Ben-Gvir was convicted of supporting a terrorist organization and inciting racism.
His campaign told Fox News Digital that the conviction stemmed from displaying a sticker of the late Rabbi Meir Kahane, whose Kach party was outlawed in 1994, and reflected his support for a Jewish nationalist movement.
"As a young man, Minister Ben-Gvir was an intense Jewish nationalist. He has said many times, publicly, that he has matured since then and moved on from those positions."
Recent posts on Ben-Gvir’s social media accounts, along with statements issued through Netanyahu’s and Likud’s official channels, have raised questions about whether the two remain fully aligned.
On Oct. 15, Ben-Gvir shared a Hebrew-language media report quoting Netanyahu as saying that he would not serve again as national security minister. In response, Ben-Gvir wrote: "Dear Prime Minister, only the people will decide. Ben Gvir is strong, Israel is strong!"
Last Wednesday, Netanyahu's Likud party appeared to reverse course, posting a message on its official WhatsApp channel stating: "Ben-Gvir is a senior minister in our government, and he will remain so in the next government — provided that the bloc consisting of the Left and Arab parties does not win."
Despite the public statements, Ayalon said Netanyahu could opt not to include Ben-Gvir in the next government, even if it meant forming an alliance with opposition parties such as Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar.
"Netanyahu is brilliant. He kept Ben-Gvir because it suited him. If he could, he would get rid of him in a minute. Bibi is capable of changing his mind on a dime," Ayalon said.
Fleisher credited Ben-Gvir with tripling the number of personal firearms and firearms licenses issued to Israelis over four years, establishing 1,000 rapid-response teams, overhauling the prison system and demolishing 9,000 illegally built homes, particularly in the Negev.
In March, the Knesset approved a death-penalty law sponsored by Otzma Yehudit and other lawmakers, a measure Ben-Gvir has strongly championed.
"No more hotel-like conditions in our prisons. You’ll know you are being punished for your crime, and these simple policies ultimately deter jihadism," Fleisher told Fox News Digital.
"They understand that he represents a full-throated pushback against the jihadist takeover of our land. Ben-Gvir also represents a strong Jewish identity, strong policies and strong laws to ensure that we don’t lose control of our country," he said.
The latest polls show Netanyahu’s bloc slightly behind the opposition, led by Yashar party chief Gadi Eisenkot, but neither side has a clear path to the 61 seats needed for a governing majority.
From mass arrests in France to troop deployments in Italy, European leaders are taking varied approaches to protests and clashes across the continent. The unrest began in France in mid-September with student demonstrations over school conditions, then spread to other countries, where protests have centered on local grievances.
President Donald Trump has used the unrest to press his hard-line immigration message, blaming France’s protests on immigration and urging the country to close its borders.
French President Emmanuel Macron pushed back, calling foreign leaders' comments "unacceptable and even stupid" and accusing them of exploiting France’s crisis for political gain.
Here’s how leaders across Europe are responding.
France vows to make rioters pay as cities assess damage
Macron has vowed that those who loot or destroy property will be held accountable and made to pay for the damage. French authorities deployed 70,000 police officers nationwide Saturday as demonstrations took place in Paris and other cities.
Some clashes broke out in several cities, including Paris, Lyon, Lille, Toulouse and Nantes. Police used tear gas, sound grenades and water cannons, and the Interior Ministry reported more than 1,300 arrests.
Most union-organized marches were peaceful, though clashes broke out later in Paris and several other cities. Separately, a French intelligence assessment reportedly identified Antifa and other far-left groups as instigators of some of the violence, according to a French outlet.
Italy takes one of Europe's toughest lines
Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni condemned what she called "gangs of thugs" who used demonstrations to "sow chaos," and voiced support for police facing violence in several Italian cities.
Meloni moved quickly after the previous weekend’s looting and clashes, sending 500 additional soldiers to Milan and approving tougher penalties for minors involved in vandalism. She said destroying and stealing was a crime and that the state's response would be firm.
The measures put Meloni among the European leaders taking the most visible steps to deter further violence.
Greek police maintain a visible presence
While Greece has seen less unrest than France and other European countries, officials have been monitoring the risk of clashes as student and teacher demonstrations spread.
Government spokesperson Pavlos Marinakis said the right to protest must be respected as long as demonstrations remain lawful, while condemning violence, looting and occupations.
Police still kept a visible presence at demonstrations earlier in the week, which largely passed without major violence.
Belgium accuses Antifa-linked activists of stoking clashes
Belgium's demonstrations began over education reforms and budget cuts, with young protesters taking to the streets in Brussels and Liège. Earlier clashes injured police, damaged public areas and blocked roads. Nearly 200 people were arrested, according to Belgian officials.
Interior Minister Bernard Quintin accused far-left activists, including people linked to Antifa, of infiltrating demonstrations and encouraging young people to commit violence.
Albania clashes escalate as protesters demand prime minister's ouster
In Albania’s capital, Tirana, student-led protests have grown into a broader challenge to Prime Minister Edi Rama, with demonstrators demanding his resignation and accusing his government of corruption and neglecting schools and public services.
Police used tear gas and water cannons as more than 2,500 officers were deployed. Rama placed chairs outside his government headquarters and invited protesters to talk, but they rejected the gesture.
He said his government would address their concerns and warned that people responsible for violence could face criminal and financial consequences.
Spanish regional leaders vow consequences after Barcelona riots
In Spain, the unrest was largely concentrated in Barcelona, unlike France, where protests and clashes spread across multiple cities.
Police arrested 128 people in Barcelona after fires, vandalism and looting. Catalonia, the northeastern Spanish region that includes Barcelona, saw its regional president, Salvador Illa, condemn the violence and back the police response.
Meanwhile, Barcelona Mayor Jaume Collboni said the city would take legal action against those responsible and warned that parents or guardians could face consequences for damage caused by their children.
Brazil's estimated 158 million voters could advance Latin America's conservative wave in Sunday's election as the continent's most populous nation could elect conservative Sen. Flavio Bolsonaro as its next president.
The first round election three weeks ago saw a strong performance by Bolsonaro, proving the polls wrong. While incumbent President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (Lula) had been predicted to take the first round by single digits, Bolsonaro ended up winning 47% to Lula's 45%. As neither candidate won a majority, the election went to a second round.
Brazil's election follows a long string of victories for the Latin American right across Central and South America that started with the election of Libertarian outsider Javier Milei in Argentina in 2023.
2025 saw a right-wing sweep across the region, as Ecuador, Bolivia, Honduras and Chile all voted for conservative heads of state.
In 2026, Keiko Fujimori narrowly defeated a left-wing candidate to win the Peruvian presidency, while most recently, in Colombia, conservative attorney Abelardo de la Espriella bested left-wing Senator Ivan Cepeda.
Bolsonaro's slate of congressional candidates also fared well, ensuring that Brazil will have one of the most conservative congresses in years, and a legislative branch aligned with Bolsonaro's goals, or ready to thwart Lula's agenda.
The two candidates met Friday night for the final debate in Rio de Janeiro, which featured a series of questions organized around Brazil's five geographic regions. While the debate featured some heated personal exchanges, it appears unlikely to have moved the needle in either direction heading into a close race.
President Donald Trump has heralded these electoral results as vindication for his hardline approach to security, crime, and migration policies, as well as a stamp of approval for the new Shield of the Americas initiative.
The Trump administration counts on considerably more close allies now than it did at the beginning of Trump's second term.
Yet, the question remains: why is the region resoundingly rejecting the left and progressivism?
Many of the elections have been won by narrow margins, with Brazil being a case in point: Lula bested Jair Bolsonaro in 2022 by just 1.8%. While many Latin American nations remain deeply polarized, there is no denying a right-wing resurgence.
Commentators appear to be expressing a rejection of progressive movements amid growing concerns over safety and security, giving approval to proposals to dramatically ramp up police and military presence to combat crime and drug trafficking.
Meanwhile, leftist parties seem unable to capitalize on recurring concerns over inflation and kitchen table economics, which have played into the hands of the Latin American right, as working class and middle class voters have felt the pinch of rising food, housing and energy costs.
In addition to social and economic concerns, the specter of Jair Bolsonaro also looms over the election. Flavio Bolsonaro has pledged to free his father, who is currently serving a 27-year sentence on house arrest for allegedly plotting a coup in the wake of the 2022 election.
Lula was also sentenced to a 12-year prison sentence on corruption charges stemming from the infamous Operation Car Wash, until he was freed on a technicality by the Brazilian Supreme Court, and rose from the ashes to win the 2022 presidential election.
Bolsonaro has narrowly led in recent polls, and enters the second round with some structural advantages. Most importantly, he enjoys the backing of three of the four other major candidates in the race, who failed to advance to the second round.
Self-help author Augusto Cury, former Goias Governor Ronaldo Caiado, and former Minas Gerais Governor Romeu Zema all officially backed Bolsonaro in the second round.
Entrepreneur Renan Santos, candidate for the Mission Party, declined to endorse either candidate. However, as his political movement is characterized as free-market and libertarian, these voters are also more likely to trend to Bolsonaro.
Thus, Lula needs to win a significant majority of first round voters who backed right-wing or center-right candidates. It's a daunting, but not impossible, proposition.
The entire election may hinge on voters who are voting against a candidate, as much as for a candidate.
Another question looming over the election: has Lula finally worn out his welcome with the Brazilian electorate?
This will be Lula's seventh time in 40 years appearing on a presidential ballot: he lost elections in 1989, 1994, 1998, won in 2002, 2006, and 2022.
Lula famously promised to serve only one term when he ran to oust Jair Bolsonaro in 2022.
On October 25, 2022, just five days before the last second round presidential election, he posted on his official X account: "If elected, I will be a single-term president."
Various polls have shown that voters are not happy with the course of Lula's third term, and even a sizable percentage of Lula backers in 2022 responded with pessimism on the prospect of an unprecedented fourth term.
However, a large percentage of the Brazilian electorate also consistently rejects the prospect of voting for another Bolsonaro for president.
Lula is unquestionably the dominant figure in Brazilian politics over the past half-century. But will his magnetism and charisma be enough to overcome the right-wing resurgence sweeping the continent?
JERUSALEM — Israel’s high-stakes election on Oct. 27 pits the longest serving prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, against the highly decorated retired Lt. Gen. Gadi Eisenkot. While fairly new to politics, Eisenkot has an impressive resume that could help him become the Jewish state's next leader.
According to a number of polls, Eisenkot's centrist political party, Yashar, has a narrow lead over Netanyahu's Likud. To form a government, Yashar or Likud will need to cobble together a 61-seat majority of parties to be able to form a new coalition government.
He was born in Tiberias in Israel’s north to a Jewish-Moroccan family who relocated to Israel’s southernmost city, Eilat, on the Red Sea when he was a toddler.
A career soldier, he opted to serve in the infantry. He was part of the elite Golani Brigade and reached the zenith of the military with his 2015 appointment to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff in 2015 until 2019.
Yossi Melman, one of Israel’s most respected journalists on intelligence and defense reporting, told Fox News Digital that Eisenkot, "Is 100% a soldier. He is very brave and humble. He is an officer and gentleman."
Melman noted that when Eisenkot was chosen to be the next IDF chief of staff, he declined because he felt that then General Benny Gantz should receive the appointment. Melman asked, "How many people would do that? He was selected after Gantz. It shows his traits of modesty, honesty and not arrogant."
Melman said, "It is a miracle he is leading in the polls. He is the antithesis of a what a politician should be. He is not a great orator when you compare him to Netanyahu. He radiates honesty."
Eisenkot’s Mizrahi background — Jews who originate from North Africa and the Middle East — would mean, if he prevails, that he would be the first Israeli Prime Minister of Moroccan origin. The Prime Minister’s office has been held by Israelis of Eastern European descent (Ashkenazi) since the rebirth of the Jewish state in 1948.
After Hamas invaded Israel on Oct. 7, 2023 and slaughtered over 1,200 people, including more than 40 Americans, Eisenkot joined Netanyahu’s war cabinet as a minister without portfolio.
Melman said Eisenkot "did not set any political conditions" and "his presence in the cabinet saved Netanyahu." After eight months of serving in the war cabinet, Eisenkot resigned, blaming the prime minister for failing to implement a comprehensive strategy.
The war against the Iran-backed terrorist movement Hamas took an enormous toll on the battle-hardened General Eisenkot and his family. Hamas killed his son, 25-year-old Master Sergeant Gal Eisenkot, in Dec. 2023. The terrorist organization also killed two nephews of Eisenkot. Netanyahu and his wife Sara said at the time that they were devastated by Gal’s death and Eisenkot was a "true hero."
Danny Orbach, a military historian from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, gave his take on the leading contender to replace Netanyahu. "I think his military record and his prospects as a national leader have both significant strengths and serious weaknesses. He bears considerable responsibility for shaping the IDF that existed on Oct. 7, 2023. And that was, paradoxically, both the army that proved capable of defeating Hezbollah, striking Iran and achieving unprecedented military successes in the extraordinarily difficult, tunnel-ridden battlefield of Gaza and the army that failed so miserably on Oct. 7."
He continued that, "Like other chiefs of staff, Eisenkot bears responsibility for the decisions that reduced the army's size and for the infamous ‘conceptzia’ [Hebrew word for concept] regarding Hamas. In that respect, I consider him just as culpable as Netanyahu."
Israel’s military, intelligence and political establishments bought into the ‘conceptzia’ that Hamas could be housebroken with massive infusions of economic aid. Hamas, however, was wedded to its radical Islamist ideology —the destruction of the Jewish state — and used the funds to advance its war aims.
Orbach noted that "I don't think most of Eisenkot's support stems from his energy, enthusiasm or even his political platform. My impression is that Eisenkot has emerged as the default ‘non-Bibi’ candidate, the politician who currently channels much of the camp's hopes and expectations."
Orbach added that "I also doubt that Eisenkot would have had the political determination to stand up to the Biden administration on such matters."
Netanyahu and former President Biden repeatedly clashed over Biden’s attempts to rope in Israel’s efforts to defeat Iran’s seven-front war against the Jewish state.
The military historian, however, noted that "I believe an Eisenkot government could address several of Israel's most urgent problems. It would remove Ben Gvir from power, confront the growing problem of Jewish extremist violence and terrorism in the West Bank, and begin repairing Israel's severely damaged international legitimacy."
Itamar Ben-Gvir is a controversial right-wing firebrand politician and the current minister of national security since 2022, who has outraged many Western European and foreign leaders with his heated rhetoric against the Palestinians.
Eisenkot’s wife, Hannah, comes from an American Jewish family. U.S. General Joseph Dunford awarded Eisenkot the Commander of the Legion of Merit because of his "exceptionally meritorious service as chief of the General Staff of the IDF" and his "contribution to the strategic cooperation between the United States and Israel [that] will have a lasting effect on both countries," according to the Washington Institute, where Eisenkot served as a military fellow in 2019.
Nadav Eyal, an Israeli analyst and journalist for the mass circulation Israeli paper Yedioth Aharonoth, told Fox News Digital, Gadi Eisenkot is widely considered one of the most successful Chiefs of Staff that Israel has had in the last thirty years."
He continued that "Chiefs of Staff in Israel, unlike in other countries, are really extremely capable, in general, to be prime minister. They are leading the country’s biggest organization, the IDF."
Eyal, who writes extensively about the IDF, credited Eisenkot’s military planning against the Iran-backed Hezbollah terrorist organization in Lebanon and the significant defeats the Lebanese Shiite entity experienced, including the "discovery of tunnels that Hezbollah built" to enter Israel. Hezbollah immediately joined Hamas’s war against Israel in Oct. 2023.
Given the nature of Israel’s electoral system, an outright winner won’t likely be known for several days, since the leading party will need to form a coalition to get to the 61-seat mandate to run the country.
Nearly 1,000 peoplewere arrested Saturday as nationwide protests resumed, French Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez told reporters.
The unrest has spread beyond France, with violent clashes breaking out in Rome and Albania's capital of Tiranë, where demonstrators set government buildings on fire.
President Donald Trump also weighed in Saturday, pointing to the turmoil in France as a warning about what he said could happen in the United States under left-wing leadership.
Earlier in the day, police officers preemptively searched protesters andarrested people suspected of carrying potential weapons, including fireworks and ball bearings, Reuters reported.
Nuñez did not specify where the arrests were made.
In Paris, where police estimated 110,000 people marched, officers conducted more than 3,000 checks and arrested 65 people, the BBC reported.
The French Interior Ministry said about 410,000 people participated in protests nationwide, while union organizers estimated attendance at 800,000. In Paris, union organizers put turnout at 250,000, compared with the police estimate of 110,000, according to CBS News.
"Violent individuals have no place in the marches," the Paris Police Department said in a social media post. "The objective is clear: to prevent troublemakers from joining the procession, and to ensure the safety of the demonstrators."
Central Paris resembled a city under lockdown as shopkeepers boarded up storefronts, museums closed and more than 20 metro stations suspended service.
In other cities — including Clermont-Ferrand, Grenoble, Lille and Nice — police have resorted to firing tear gas to break up unruly crowds, Reuters reported.
Also in Nice, police used a water cannon to disperse a group of demonstrators who refused to pull back. And in Marseille and Lyon, there have been clashes between police officers and hooded youths.
The unrest also reached Italy on Saturday, where police deployed a water cannon against protesters in Rome as demonstrations over rising living costs and war turned violent. Reuters footage showed riot police confronting demonstrators before a water cannon vehicle approached and sprayed water toward the crowd.
Violence was also reported in Turin and Bologna, where demonstrators confronted police, while protests in Milan remained largely peaceful, according to Reuters. Italian authorities increased security after widespread rioting and looting the previous weekend.
In Albania, riot police fired water cannons at protesters in Tirana, where some demonstrators set government buildings ablaze and threw projectiles at officers. High school and university students have been demanding lower tuition fees, greater investment in education and an end to corruption in the education system.
Some protesters have joined a broader anti-government movement calling for the resignation of Socialist Prime Minister Edi Rama. Rama said Saturday that his government was preparing a response to students' demands and called for dialogue, while warning that violent protesters would face penalties, according to The Associated Press.
Trump pointed to the unrest in France while speaking to reporters Saturday after casting his early-voting ballot for the 2026 midterm elections in West Palm Beach, Florida. The president criticized the country's previous leadership and argued that similar unrest could unfold in the U.S. under left-wing leadership.
"Just two years ago, we were laughed at. We were a stupid country. We were a country led by idiots and morons and bad people and radical left people. ... Just take a look at France because that's what they'd like to have for our country, and I don't let that happen."
Some 70,000 police officers have been deployed across France to clamp down on agitators and prevent the kind of unrest seen during recent demonstrations, when cars were torched and the city hall building in Limoges was set on fire.
Last weekend, more than 2,700 people were arrested during protests that later turned into riots and looting sprees.
The nationwide marches were meant to reflect broader dissatisfaction with the French government, with protesters taking to the streets to air a range of different grievances.
The movement gained momentum when major labor unions joined the demonstrations, broadening the protests to include opposition to the government's austerity policies and concerns over wages, pensions and the overall cost of living.
A group of gunmen stormed a Christian church in Jordan during a funeral Friday, killing nine people and injuring more than two dozen, according to authorities.
The shooting took place at a Greek Orthodox church in Karak, about 55 miles south of the capital, Amman.
Jordanian Health Minister Ibrahim al-Budour said Saturday that one critically injured patient remained hospitalized at Prince Ali Military Hospital in unstable condition.
Government spokesperson Mohammad Momani said Saturday the attackers subscribed to "extremist takfiri ideology," which brands people who reject a strict interpretation of Islam as apostates or nonbelievers. Terrorist groups such as ISIS have invoked takfiri beliefs to justify killing Muslims, Christians and Jews.
Karak is home to a sizable Christian minority, and Momani sought to emphasize that Christians are "part of Jordan's national fabric."
It remains unclear whether the gunmen were affiliated with any terror group, and Jordanian authorities have not announced any arrests in connection with the attack.
Footage shown on Jordanian state television showed two gunmen armed with what appeared to be pistols approaching the church and opening fire, The Associated Press reported.
A third man carrying what appeared to be a semiautomatic rifle joined them moments later, before all three rushed toward the church.
Photos and videos from witnesses show broken glass and pools of blood inside the church. After the location was secured by police, two bodies covered with blankets were seen outside the church.
Dorgham Halasa told the AP that intense gunfire erupted in the church some 15 minutes after the funeral service began. People began running, he said.
Halasa said he didn't see the gunmen but said others he spoke with reported seeing at least four of them. Jordanian authorities had not confirmed the number of attackers as of Saturday.
On Friday, King Abdullah II said Jordan will "confront the terrorist act that targeted Karak with the harshest penalties."
"Whoever imagines that the bullets of treachery can divide the ranks of Jordanians will fail in his endeavor before our steadfastness and unity," he added. "Our deepest condolences to the families of the martyrs, and our wishes for recovery to the wounded."
Jordan announced three days of national mourning after the attack, according to the state-run Petra News Agency.
Avec celle des transports, la question de la sécurité donne des sueurs froides aux organisateurs de grands événements. Le gouvernement a-t-il tiré toutes les leçons de la finale de la Ligue des champions de football en juin 2022 ? Un retour sur ce fiasco permet d'éclairer les dysfonctionnements majeurs de l'organisation et d'une approche anachronique.
André Wendland. – « Squareball » (Ballon carré), 2022
La finale de la plus prestigieuse compétition interclubs de football, organisée par l'Union des associations européennes de football (UEFA) opposant Le Liverpool Football Club (LFC) au Real Madrid, le 28 mai 2022 à Saint-Denis, a offert à des centaines de millions de téléspectateurs l'image d'un chaos ainsi que du fiasco de l'organisation et de l'ordre public « à la française ». Seuls le sang-froid et les capacités d'adaptation des supporters liverpuldiens ont permis d'éviter un drame d'ampleur. Des milliers d'entre eux ont risqué l'écrasement du fait des défaillances des autorités. Ils furent ensuite pris en étau entre des agresseurs tentant de les dépouiller et une police dépassée recourant à la force de manière intempestive et sans discernement.
La première cause du désordre est liée à l'acheminement d'une partie des spectateurs vers le Stade de France : les itinéraires fléchés, les dispositifs de fouille et de contrôle des billets n'étaient pas dimensionnés pour une absorption efficace des flux humains. Dès lors, la densité de la foule accumulée a fait craindre le pire. Le match a débuté avec 36 minutes de retard, plusieurs milliers de personnes détentrices de billets n'ont pu assister à la première mi-temps et des centaines d'autres n'ont rien vu de la rencontre. L'après-match fut à nouveau le théâtre de nombreux vols à l'arraché. Plusieurs milliers de supporters relatent la désorganisation, le manque d'informations, la colère et la peur générées. Cette soirée mondialement télévisée a donné l'image d'un hôte mal préparé, soumis à une délinquance massive, et de forces de l'ordre débordées répondant par une violence disproportionnée et exercée contre… les spectateurs.
Comment en est-on arrivé là, alors que la France dispose d'une solide expérience d'organisation de grands événements sportifs, en particulier à Saint-Denis ? Certes, la finale, initialement programmée à Saint-Pétersbourg, a été relocalisée tardivement en France, du fait de l'invasion de l'Ukraine par la Russie. Cette décision fortement soutenue par le président de la République n'a laissé que trois mois aux organisateurs, au lieu des dix-huit généralement consacrés à la planification d'une telle rencontre. Une grève partielle sur l'une des lignes de RER a bousculé l'organisation. Mais les problèmes d'insécurité autour du stade sont identifiés de longue date, tout comme les difficultés récurrentes d'accès à l'enceinte.
L'origine des décisions n'ayant pas permis d'enrayer cet enchaînement critique semble en réalité procéder de trois tendances. Tout d'abord, la prégnance d'une conception « confrontationnelle » et démonstrative du maintien de l'ordre apparaît en décalage avec les besoins de dialogue des spectateurs venant de l'étranger assister à un événement festif. Ensuite, un déséquilibre en termes de relations de pouvoir s'est instauré entre parties prenantes ; en particulier, la centralité de la préfecture de police de Paris (PP) a empêché de définir collectivement un dispositif de sécurité adéquat. Enfin, les réticences à s'inspirer des diverses expertises disponibles ont contribué à plusieurs approximations.
En France, la sécurisation des grands événements sportifs est essentiellement appréhendée sous l'angle du maintien de l'ordre — une priorité renforcée par la menace terroriste. Lors des rencontres de football en particulier, la discipline demandée aux spectateurs prend le pas sur l'accueil et le service aux personnes. Le décalage est notable par rapport aux dispositifs déployés dans d'autres pays européens et aux engagements pris dans ce même Stade de France, où la France avait organisé en 2016 la signature de la Convention du Conseil de l'Europe sur une approche intégrée de la sécurité, de la sûreté et des services lors des matches de football et autres manifestations sportives. Paris avait ratifié l'année suivante ce traité incitant à faire des supporters des partenaires pour organiser des « événements sûrs et conviviaux (1) ».
Les pouvoirs publics redoutaient des violences liées à la présence de hooligans, témoignant d'une vision anachronique des supporters de Liverpool : ceux d'aujourd'hui n'ont plus rien à voir avec ceux des années 1980 qui s'illustrèrent notamment durant le drame du Heysel (Bruxelles, 1985). La tactique de maintien de l'ordre choisie a conduit les autorités françaises à négliger la sécurité publique qu'auraient pu incarner les policiers en civil, habilités à interpeller et prévenir la délinquance visant les spectateurs. Peu mobiles, rapatriés derrière les grilles du stade afin d'empêcher les intrusions, les effectifs déployés n'ont pour leur part guère été en mesure d'enrayer les agressions.
Par ailleurs, le commandement de la PP avait pour objectif central de préserver la capitale d'éventuels débordements. Sur les 29 unités de force mobile mobilisées le 28 mai, composées chacune de 80 CRS, gendarmes mobiles ou membres de compagnies d'intervention de la PP, 9 étaient présentes aux environs du stade, 6 autour de la « fan zone » du cours de Vincennes (destinée aux supporters de Liverpool présents à Paris sans billet) et 4 sur des sites sensibles comme les Champs-Élysées. Ce déploiement a amoindri les capacités de réaction lorsque des désordres se sont produits à Saint-Denis. L'autonomie de la PP génère de surcroît une concurrence interservices avec la police nationale (2). Des enjeux de pouvoir ont altéré la pertinence du dispositif, puisque la PP a confié l'essentiel de la surveillance des secteurs sensibles à Paris aux CRS et aux gendarmes mobiles, renforçant la marge de manœuvre de ses unités propres au Stade de France. Or ces dernières n'ont ni expérience dans la gestion des supporters ni compétence en matière de gestion des foules. Du reste, l'usage disproportionné de gaz lacrymogènes relevait des membres des compagnies d'intervention de la PP.
Les effectifs de la PP sont connus pour exercer des formes dures de contrôle social (3). Leur recours débridé à la violence a choqué les supporters britanniques habitués à des interactions pacifiées avec les forces de l'ordre. Le niveau d'agressivité de la police est modulé par son commandement, lequel, dans le cas d'espèce, assume une approche dure du maintien de l'ordre : c'est la doctrine revendiquée par M. Didier Lallement, préfet de police de Paris (qui a dû quitter son poste peu après ces événements), M. Alexis Marsan, représentant le préfet au poste de commandement opérationnel du Stade de France, et M. Paul-Antoine Tomi, responsable de la mise en œuvre opérationnelle du dispositif de sécurité.
Les connaissances disponibles sur ces types de publics et leur encadrement émanant d'associations, d'universitaires, d'acteurs territoriaux, de journalistes ou encore de services spécialisés au sein de la police ont peu été prises en considération. La police britannique a par exemple transmis au renseignement français un portrait rassurant des supporters de Liverpool, soulignant leur comportement exemplaire en déplacement, leur respect des consignes policières, ainsi que la présence très peu probable de hooligans en région parisienne. Une note de la division nationale de lutte contre le hooliganisme synthétise ces éléments. Transmise le 25 mai à la PP, elle n'a pas été relayée aux autres parties prenantes ni fait l'objet d'échanges lors des réunions ultérieures.
L'association Football Supporters Europe (FSE) explique que les services de l'État n'étaient pas présents lors de l'habituelle visite préparatoire du site à laquelle elle participait. « Nous n'avons donc pu que constater une accumulation d'erreurs, sans pouvoir influer sur le déroulement des événements », témoigne son directeur général. Depuis 2019, cette association ne dispose plus de canal de communication avec la PP et le ministère de l'intérieur. En tout état de cause, la centralisation du pouvoir a soustrait plusieurs décisions clés au discernement collectif — comme le cadrage décalé du maintien de l'ordre et le choix d'un itinéraire d'acheminement inadapté, car bien trop étroit.
À mesure qu'approchait la finale, la PP a été de moins en moins encline à coopérer, comme en atteste l'enquête indépendante de l'UEFA : « il n'existait aucun mécanisme permettant d'infléchir les opérations de police, ou de faire remonter le problème par une partie prenante autre que la police (4). » La Fédération française de football (FFF) a ainsi subi un passage en force de la PP. Chargée d'orienter les supporters des stations de transport en commun vers le stade, elle avait mis en place un fléchage destiné à limiter les effets de la grève sur la ligne du RER B. L'objectif était d'éviter l'engorgement de l'accès au stade le plus direct à la sortie du RER D, où s'est concentré l'essentiel des difficultés de transit. Le 23 mai, la PP a ordonné le démontage de cette signalétique de délestage, estimant qu'elle perturbait ses habitudes de travail. Cette décision, qui constitue une des causes de l'échec, n'a pas été évoquée lors des réunions de coordination.
L'UEFA a admis que la délégation de ses prérogatives sécuritaires à la FFF et aux services de police a été excessive, s'apparentant à une forme de dessaisissement de sa responsabilité. À une autre échelle, au sein du poste de commandement opérationnel du stade, alors que les signes d'une dégradation rapide de la situation étaient sans ambiguïté, les responsables de l'UEFA n'ont pas osé faire état de la nécessité d'infléchir le dispositif, doutant que le commandant de police suive leurs conseils.
À la suite des auditions menées par le Sénat, l'une des recommandations invite à réaffirmer le rôle de coordination de la délégation interministérielle aux grands événements sportifs (Diges) (5). Cela trahit la difficulté de cette dernière à s'émanciper de la tutelle de la PP, en dépit d'une expertise reconnue.
Dès la mi-temps de la rencontre, le ministre de l'intérieur a attribué les problèmes survenus à la présence de 30 000 à 40 000 supporters de Liverpool sans billet ou munis de faux, alors que l'intensité de la fraude était assez habituelle pour ce type de match (moins de 2 500 faux billets auraient circulé). Cette stigmatisation a généré des réactions indignées au Royaume-Uni. Ces déclarations prématurées comme le verrouillage de la communication gouvernementale ou la disparition des images de vidéosurveillance ont empêché la mise en œuvre d'un retour d'expérience transparent, car cela aurait conduit les acteurs impliqués à contredire la posture du ministre. L'occasion de progresser en matière de sécurité (avec en ligne de mire les Jeux olympiques) n'a ainsi pas pu être complètement saisie.
Le gouvernement entend répondre par une accélération technologique et le biais de la vidéosurveillance et des algorithmes de reconnaissance faciale stimulée par des opportunités de marché (6). À supposer qu'elle puisse apporter une plus-value sécuritaire, la mise en œuvre de tels dispositifs nécessitera des phases de test et une appropriation qui ne seront guère effectives en quelques mois. Elle soulève aussi des questions éthiques et de respect de la vie privée pourtant promptement balayées par le Sénat et l'Assemblée nationale.
Tout suggère que M. Jair Bolsonaro sera chassé du pouvoir par les urnes à la fin de son mandat, en 2022. Celui qui promettait d'en finir avec la corruption se trouve désormais empêtré dans les affaires et ses frasques irritent le secteur privé. L'ancien capitaine explore donc d'autres voies, moins démocratiques, pour se maintenir au pouvoir. Au risque de se laisser dépasser par une base radicalisée.
Henrique Oliveira. — « Tapumes - Casa dos leões » (Parements - Maison des lions), installation à Porto Alegre, 2009
Frappé par une pandémie qui a pris des allures de cauchemar, le Brésil semble vivre l'agonie de sa plus récente période démocratique. Depuis plusieurs mois, une coalition de forces emmenée par le président Jair Bolsonaro, élu en 2018, s'en prend au Parlement et au système judiciaire. Un travail de sape des institutions brésiliennes dont chaque succès galvanise les partisans du chef de l'État, que diverses études estiment à environ 12 % de la population (1), soit près de vingt-cinq millions de personnes. Comment la plus grande démocratie d'Amérique latine en est-elle arrivée là ?
Au milieu des années 2010, la perspective que le Parti des travailleurs (PT, gauche) se maintienne au pouvoir, après quatre victoires consécutives à la présidentielle (de 2002 à 2014), convainc les élites de déchirer la Constitution de 1988. Avec le soutien des États-Unis, elles optent pour la voie du coup d'État parlementaire et la destitution de la présidente Dilma Rousseff, en 2016, au prétexte d'une corruption qui n'eut jamais lieu. « Les politiques sociales ne rentrent pas dans le cadre du budget fédéral », justifie alors leur mentor, M. Antônio Delfim Netto (2), l'un des ministres de l'économie de la dictature (1964-1984). Aux yeux des putschistes, aucune différence, donc, entre le fait de piocher dans les ressources de l'État pour s'enrichir et la mise en place de programmes sociaux destinés à sortir la population de la misère (3).
« Nous allons nous débarrasser de cette engeance et nous en libérer pour au moins trente ans », avait déclaré en 2006 le sénateur du Parti du front libéral (PFL, devenu Les Démocrates en 2007) Jorge Bornhausen, suggérant que l'idée d'un coup d'État séduisait déjà certains. Dix ans plus tard, le projet devient réalité, soutenu par une alliance du secteur privé, des différentes formations conservatrices, des militaires, des Églises évangéliques et des médias privés (contrôlés par cinq des familles les plus riches du pays). Washington apporte également son concours, à travers l'Agence nationale de sécurité (NSA), dont on sait désormais qu'elle a inspiré la grande opération « anticorruption » surnommée « Lava Jato », destinée à discréditer le PT puis à empêcher la candidature de M. Luiz Inácio « Lula » da Silva à la présidentielle de 2018, qu'il était sur le point de remporter (4).
Dès la destitution de Mme Rousseff, les nouveaux maîtres du pays orchestrent le virage qu'ils attendaient depuis si longtemps. Ils s'appuient sur « Le pont vers le futur (5) », un document stratégique publié en 2015 par la formation du nouveau président Michel Temer, qui détaille l'ensemble des mesures à prendre pour « moderniser » le Brésil et doper la rentabilité des entreprises : réforme du code du travail, refonte du système des retraites, privatisations, suppression de droits sociaux… On peut faire bien des reproches aux néolibéraux, pas celui de manquer d'ambition. Dès le mois de décembre 2016, M. Temer fait passer l'amendement constitutionnel 95, qui limite l'accroissement des dépenses publiques au niveau de l'inflation de l'année précédente : la mesure condamne le pays à un recul programmé de la protection sociale, à mesure que la population grandit.
Union de circonstance
Le peuple regimbe, et les perspectives de la droite traditionnelle s'assombrissent à l'approche de la présidentielle de 2018. Inspirée par son passé colonial et guidée par une morale conservatrice, elle retrouve ses vieux réflexes autoritaires et s'en remet à un ancien capitaine, pourtant chassé de l'armée pour « complot » et « terrorisme »… Les réseaux évangéliques, puissants au Brésil (6), bénissent cette union de circonstance, rendue possible par la promesse de la nomination au ministère de l'économie de M. Paulo Guedes, un monétariste militant. Depuis son arrivée aux affaires, celui-ci épouse scrupuleusement le programme du « Pont vers le futur ». Non sans un certain succès pour le secteur privé : les chiffres du deuxième trimestre 2021 indiquent que les profits de dix des plus grandes entreprises cotées à la Bourse brésilienne ont été multipliés par dix en un an (7).
Une récente déclaration du colonel Marcelo Pimentel suggère une autre analyse — pas nécessairement incompatible — de l'arrivée au pouvoir de M. Bolsonaro. Critique de l'actuel président, le haut gradé pointe le rôle de ce qu'il nomme le « Parti militaire » : « Un groupe soudé, hiérarchique, discipliné, avec des caractéristiques autoritaires et des prétentions claires au pouvoir politique, dirigé par une poignée de généraux formés dans les années 1970 à l'Académie militaire d'Agulhas Negras, qui faisaient ou font partie du haut commandement de l'armée. Leur défense d'une idéologie, leur mode de pensée les dotent de caractéristiques associées aux partis politiques formels. Ses dirigeants et le capitaine [Bolsonaro] sont des amis proches et des collègues depuis 1973 (8). » Selon lui, la candidature de M. Bolsonaro surgit au sein de ce groupe.
La question de l'existence formelle de ce « Parti militaire » reste ouverte, mais celle de l'implication croissante des hommes en uniforme dans la vie politique brésilienne ne souffre aucun doute (9). Et rien n'indique que tous souhaitent retourner dans leurs casernes et abandonner les postes qu'ils occupent aujourd'hui.
La manipulation de l'opinion publique par l'équipe de M. Bolsonaro lors de la campagne électorale de 2018, à grand renfort de fake news, est désormais largement prouvée. Le Tribunal électoral supérieur (TSE) a ouvert une enquête qui pourrait conduire à la révocation du chef de l'État et de son vice-président, M. Hamilton Mourão. Le rapport du TSE sur la diffusion de fausses informations et l'existence de milices numériques d'extrême droite a été transmis à la Cour suprême, où l'enquête est pilotée par le juge Alexandre de Moraes, devenu l'une des principales cibles des partisans du président.
C'est que le « clan Bolsonaro » — presque autant détesté des médias que le PT — dispose d'une puissante structure de communication basée sur les réseaux sociaux. Elle repose sur ce que la population connaît désormais sous le nom de « cabinet de la haine », installé au cœur du palais présidentiel et piloté par M. Carlos Bolsonaro, l'un des fils du président. La mission du cabinet ? Débiter des fake news qu'une centaine de sites disséminent à leur tour sur la Toile, alimentant la fournaise des colères bolsonaristes.
Un exemple : l'idée que le système de vote électronique, utilisé sans anicroche depuis 1996, va permettre aux adversaires du président de le priver d'une victoire qu'il juge assurée lors de la présidentielle de 2022, alors même que tous les sondages le prédisent perdant. Raison pour laquelle M. Bolsonaro a exigé un retour au bulletin de vote en papier. Naturellement, il a interprété le refus du Congrès comme la preuve qu'une fraude électorale était en marche. Cette théorie lui vaut une deuxième poursuite pénale.
Plus de cent trente procédures de destitution ont été engagées. Des partisans de M. Bolsonaro qui occupent des postes-clés empêchent toutefois que les dossiers n'avancent : le procureur général de la République, M. Antônio Aras, par exemple ; mais également le président de l'Assemblée nationale, M. Arthur Lira. Sans compter que l'ancien capitaine coopte — par le biais d'amendements parlementaires qui garantissent l'attribution de ressources (détournables) à leurs fiefs électoraux — des députés et des sénateurs de ce qu'on appelle le centrão (le « centre »), un ensemble de partis qui se vendent au plus offrant. La démarche assure au chef de l'État un socle parlementaire suffisant pour bloquer les procédures.
Pendant longtemps, la popularité de M. Bolsonaro n'a pas semblé souffrir de ces obstructions. Mais la pandémie de Covid-19 a marqué un premier point d'inflexion pour le chef d'État, tenu pour responsable de plus de 585 000 décès liés au SRAS-CoV-2. La seconde aiguille enfoncée dans le matelas d'approbation qui soutenait le clan au pouvoir a été la fin du programme d'aide d'urgence que M. Bolsonaro était parvenu à imposer à son ministre de l'économie (avant que le Congrès n'en double le montant). Un tiers de la population en bénéficiait pendant les neuf premiers mois de la pandémie (10). En 2021, plus de 125 millions de Brésiliens, soit 58 % de la population, se trouvent en situation d'insécurité alimentaire et 20 millions connaissent la faim. Peu de ceux-là envisagent de voter Bolsonaro.
Au-delà des rangs, toujours fournis, des partisans de l'ancien capitaine, la colère grandit au fil des révélations d'une commission d'enquête parlementaire du Sénat, contrôlé par l'opposition. Elles documentent la négligence du gouvernement fédéral face à la pandémie ainsi que l'étendue de la corruption dont profitent le président et sa famille, ainsi que les six mille militaires retraités ou d'active qui occupent des postes-clés : une économie du pillage mise en œuvre depuis les ministères, qui facilite l'accaparement des terres, l'exploitation minière clandestine, la contrebande de bois, la déforestation, etc.
Certains secteurs militaires, opposés par principe à l'implication de l'armée dans le gouvernement, se sont éloignés du président, à l'image d'une fraction des classes moyennes, initialement séduite par la promesse de M. Bolsonaro d'en finir avec la corruption. Alors que le rétrécissement de sa base sociale amène ce dernier à radicaliser son discours et que, de toute évidence, sa barque prend l'eau, certains représentants du pouvoir judiciaire et du Parlement, hier proches, découvrent qu'il menace l'État de droit, et se tournent vers l'opposition. De leur côté, les grands patrons sourcillent aux menaces de coup d'État : l'instabilité politique n'est jamais bonne pour les affaires. Inutile, dans ces conditions, de continuer à afficher leur soutien à un dirigeant qui a désormais perdu toute capacité d'approfondir la « réforme » du pays.
Vers un « bolsonarisme sans Bolsonaro » ?
Pour l'heure, les sondages accordent 56 % des suffrages au premier tour à Lula, contre 31 % pour M. Bolsonaro. Une partie des classes supérieures semble considérer que la solution d'hier s'est transformée en problème et que les conditions ne sont pas réunies pour dégager une troisième voie entre l'ancien militaire et l'ancien syndicaliste. Lula représente à leurs yeux la meilleure option pour pacifier le pays, à condition qu'il accepte de gouverner sans chercher à reconstruire ce qui a été détruit depuis le coup d'État de 2016… D'autres estiment qu'il est urgent de destituer M. Bolsonaro afin de créer l'espace pour une candidature de droite « respectable ». Seul problème : aucun nom ne s'impose avec évidence et la clameur du « tout sauf Bolsonaro » monte.
Le contexte politique et judiciaire pousse l'actuel président à la radicalisation : seul le pouvoir lui permettrait d'éviter la prison où il risque de se retrouver avec une probabilité croissante à mesure que s'accumulent les accusations et les poursuites. S'il décidait de décréter l'état de siège pour renverser la table, il pourrait compter sur le soutien des forces de police, de certains secteurs militaires, mais aussi de milices lourdement armées.
Le 7 septembre dernier, le jour de l'indépendance, M. Bolsonaro a tenté une démonstration de force : une « méga-mobilisation » sur l'esplanade des ministères à Brasília, pour dénoncer le rôle « antidémocratique » du TSE, du Congrès et du système judiciaire. Mais l'événement n'a pas été à la hauteur des espérances du chef de l'État. D'importantes foules se sont réunies dans plusieurs grandes villes du pays, sans toutefois conduire au basculement que semblait espérer M. Bolsonaro.
Dès le lendemain, le président promet de respecter le résultat du scrutin de 2022 ainsi que les institutions du pays… mais ses équipes de choc tentent au même moment d'envahir le ministère de la santé et la Cour suprême fédérale. Des conducteurs de camion bloquent les routes dans seize États, exigeant la destitution des membres du TSE. Un galop d'essai ? Il n'est pas impossible que le président se trouve dépassé par les bases qu'il a chauffées à blanc : pressé par la crainte de perdre ses alliés au Congrès, M. Bolsonaro demande rapidement la démobilisation des chauffeurs routiers, ce qui lui vaut d'être surnommé « le lâche » parmi ses soutiens. Émerge ainsi la possibilité d'un « bolsonarisme sans Bolsonaro », avec lequel devra compter le prochain président, quel qu'il soit.
Dépourvus du soutien des médias, d'une grande partie du patronat et des élites politiques, les réseaux de l'ancien président brésilien Jair Bolsonaro ont tenté un putsch le 8 janvier dernier. Sans doute espéraient-ils un ralliement des militaires. En dépit de son échec, le courant politique incarné par l'ancien président vient de démontrer qu'il n'avait plus besoin de son meneur d'hier pour exister.
Julio Villani. – « Théorème de la démesure », 2013
Sur le parvis du Tribunal suprême fédéral (STF) à Brasília, un long drapeau brésilien de plus de cinquante mètres de long a été abandonné, au milieu des bris de verre et des douilles de gaz lacrymogènes. Alors que, ce mardi 10 janvier, la police scientifique était à l'œuvre dans le bâtiment pour relever les empreintes digitales, d'autres enquêteurs interrogeaient le personnel de sécurité afin de reconstituer le déroulé des événements du dimanche 8 janvier, lorsque des milliers de partisans de l'ancien président brésilien Jair Bolsonaro ont pris d'assaut les plus importantes institutions de la démocratie brésilienne.
Des trois édifices de la place des Trois-Pouvoirs, le STF a été le bâtiment vandalisé avec le plus de furie, selon les inspecteurs de police qui s'expriment en off. Cette haine contre la plus haute cour de justice du pays, en charge également des élections, épouse celle manifestée par M. Bolsonaro. « Le président sortant devrait faire l'objet de poursuites pour incitation au coup d'État et crimes contre la démocratie, deux crimes qui figurent dans le code pénal », estime la professeure de droit María Fernández. Avant d'ajouter que le même sort devrait attendre « tous les responsables politiques qui ont reproduit ses discours et ses menaces depuis quatre ans ». Vendredi 13 janvier, le juge du STF Alexandre de Moraes a autorisé le bureau du procureur général (PGR) à enquêter sur l'implication de l'ancien président dans l'insurrection survenue cinq jours plus tôt.
« Manifestation de la démocratie »
Depuis le début de l'année 2020, M. Bolsonaro menace les autres pouvoirs — ne pas respecter leurs décisions, lancer ses partisans contre eux… — en moyenne une fois tous les vingt-trois jours, selon une estimation du journal O Globo (1), conservateur mais hostile à M. Bolsonaro. Avant que la justice n'atteigne éventuellement les auteurs intellectuels de cette tentative de putsch, 1 159 militants d'extrême droite ont déjà été écroués le 11 janvier dans deux prisons de la capitale ; 209 l'avaient été dès le 8 janvier au soir, arrêtés au sein même du palais présidentiel. Beaucoup sont cependant parvenus à éviter la prison, pour l'heure.
L'ABIN, les services de renseignement brésiliens, avait pourtant informé les forces de sécurité de Brasília que 3 900 personnes étaient arrivées dans 156 bus le samedi 7 janvier, et qu'elles avaient rejoint le plus grand campement bolsonariste du pays : installé juste en face du quartier général de l'armée depuis le 30 octobre, il visait à obtenir des militaires qu'ils prennent le pouvoir de façon à empêcher le retour de la gauche aux affaires. L'investiture de M. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, le 1er janvier dernier, avait douché leurs espoirs ; une grande majorité était rentrée chez elle.
Six jours plus tard, toutefois, un nouvel appel était lancé pour que tous « les patriotes se rendent à Brasília ». Un texte largement partagé sur les réseaux sociaux et les applications de messagerie de la galaxie bolsonariste appelait à une mobilisation nationale le 8 janvier « pour empêcher qu'on établisse le communisme au Brésil et pour éradiquer la corruption. Nous revendiquons une intervention immédiate des forces armées et, pour cela, nous allons occuper la place et les bâtiments des Trois-Pouvoirs, bloquer toutes les raffineries, paralyser les transports routiers, les activités industrielles, commerciales et agricoles, et suspendre tout paiement d'impôts ». Brasília devait être le centre névralgique de la révolte à partir duquel le reste du pays allait suivre.
Ce n'était pas la première fois que des actions violentes étaient fomentées à partir du campement principal des bolsonaristes. Le 12 décembre, lors de la cérémonie de certification de l'élection de M. Lula da Silva au STF, des bus et des voitures étaient incendiés dans la capitale par des militants. Le 22 décembre, la police découvrait une bombe artisanale, placée dans un camion-citerne près de l'aéroport de la capitale. Le suspect, M. George Washington de Oliveira Sousa (54 ans), a confessé à la police que l'attentat, conçu au sein du campement, visait à provoquer une tragédie de façon à attiser le chaos et contraindre les forces armées à intervenir pour rétablir l'ordre.
Beaucoup de Brésiliens peinent à comprendre la mansuétude dont a fait preuve le gouvernement « Lula » envers cette mobilisation, installée face à des dizaines de bâtiments militaires dans tout le pays depuis la fin du second tour des élections. Le nouveau ministre de la justice Flavio Dino, par exemple, voulait démanteler le site dès la prise de fonctions du président Lula da Silva, le qualifiant d'« incubateurs de terroristes (2) ». Mais, proche des militaires, le ministre de la défense, M. José Mucio Monteiro, dépeignait le campement comme une « manifestation de la démocratie (3) ». Il s'appuyait sur des informations émanant de l'armée, qui notait que les protestations avaient perdu en puissance : un rapport présenté fin décembre au président élu faisait état d'une diminution du nombre de « campeurs-militants » de 43 000 à 5 000 depuis le second tour de la présidentielle, fin octobre. « Lula » a choisi de ne rien faire, jusqu'au jour de l'invasion. Le lendemain, les campements bolsonaristes qui émaillaient le pays étaient tous démantelés.
De loin le plus grand, le campement de Brasília occupait une immense esplanade. Il était également le mieux organisé, avec des toilettes chimiques, des douches, un espace pour les « influenceurs », une scène pour les orateurs et des structures équipées pour préparer gratuitement les repas de milliers de « patriotes ». Mme Viviane M., venue de la ville de Londrina dans l'État du Paraná, nous avait fait visiter ces installations en décembre dernier.
Julio Villani. – « Facéties », de la série « Almost Readymade » (Presque ready-made), 2013
Même si l'entrée du campement est alors libre, les médias ne sont pas les bienvenus. « Journaliste française » figure au rang des pires cartes de visite que l'on puisse exhiber, du fait de propos du président Emmanuel Macron, qui avait suggéré de conférer « un statut international à la forêt amazonienne » alors que les politiques de M. Bolsonaro avaient favorisé les incendies (4). La ruse consiste donc à se présenter comme une simple touriste, désireuse de comprendre ce mouvement de protestation.
Petite femme dynamique et souriante, Viviane cuisine pour le campement. « J'étais sans emploi, on m'a proposé de venir ici pour aider le mouvement », nous explique cette partisane de M. Bolsonaro, sans préciser qui se cache derrière ce « on » un peu flou. « Pas du tout », répond-elle lorsqu'on lui demande si elle perçoit un salaire. Elle trime pourtant douze heures par jour depuis deux mois… et elle envoie de l'argent à sa mère pour s'occuper de ses deux jeunes enfants restés à Londrina. Derrière de grandes bâches, elle organise les réserves dans une dizaine de frigos qui fonctionnent grâce à des groupes électrogènes, tout en nous présentant les fake news les plus connues du bolsonarisme : « Si “Lula” gouverne ce pays, nous allons devenir un nouveau Venezuela. Le communisme va s'installer, et tout notre argent ira à Cuba », rapporte-t-elle tout en réservant une poignée de saucisses. Les provisions sont livrées par camions, sans que Viviane sache d'où elles viennent. Ni ce que contiennent les colis : « Je dois improviser, je ne sais jamais à l'avance ce qu'on nous apporte », confie-t-elle en riant. Toujours ce mystérieux « on », dont Viviane ne peut rien nous dire…
Soutien des fonctionnaires
Un mois plus tard, à la mi-janvier, l'enquête de la police fédérale a déjà identifié une centaine d'entreprises ayant financé ce campement ainsi que les transports par bus de bolsonaristes à l'occasion du 8 janvier (ou avant) pour rejoindre la capitale. Sans rendre publics leurs noms, la police a confirmé que ces entreprises appartenaient au secteur de l'agrobusiness, du transport et de la construction civile, et qu'elles étaient en majorité originaires du Paraná, du Mato Grosso do Sul et de São Paulo, trois États qui ont élu des alliés de M. Bolsonaro aux postes de gouverneur. Certains de leurs dirigeants étaient d'ailleurs présents le 8 janvier, à l'image de M. Albert Alisson Gomes Mascarenhas, propriétaire de l'entreprise Construtora Meirelles Mascarenhas, qui a gagné des dizaines de contrats publics lors de la présidence de M. Bolsonaro. L'ingénieur, qui se filmait en direct en train d'inciter la foule à entrer au Congrès, ne fait pour l'instant pas partie des personnes emprisonnées. De même, le mouvement Brasil Verde e Amarelo (« Brésil vert et jaune »), dirigé par le producteur de soja Antônio Galvan, qui regroupe plus de trois cents entités liées à l'agrobusiness, a aussi encouragé ses adhérents à se rendre à Brasília le week-end du 8 janvier.
De la fin du mois d'octobre au 9 janvier, à l'avant du campement, devant les barrières des bâtiments militaires, des « patriotes » se relaient pour lancer des « SOS forces armées » en agitant des drapeaux. Pour eux, l'élection présidentielle d'octobre 2022 a été partiale et inéquitable. Les arguments prêtent parfois à sourire : la gauche aurait diffusé des informations trompeuses, acheté des votes… La recette des campagnes de mobilisation du bolsonarisme.
Régulièrement, de rutilantes voitures klaxonnent leur soutien en passant aux abords du camp. La capitale, où l'administration publique est de très loin le premier employeur (40 % des emplois), a largement voté pour celui qui avait si souvent menacé de balayer la démocratie brésilienne : 58,81 %, contre 41,19 % pour M. Lula da Silva au second tour de l'élection présidentielle. Le 30 octobre dernier, les partisans du président sortant viennent fièrement déposer leur bulletin avec les attributs du bolsonarisme : drapeaux brésiliens sur les toits des voitures, maillots vert et jaune de la seleção (l'équipe nationale de football) sur le dos. La plupart acceptent de répondre aux questions de la presse, et fustigent la « corruption du Parti des travailleurs [PT] », qu'ils ne voulaient surtout pas voir revenir aux affaires après les mandats de M. Lula da Silva (2003-2010) et de Mme Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Systématiquement, ils balaient les questions concernant la gestion (désastreuse) de la pandémie de Covid-19 par leur favori ou ses attaques contre la démocratie : « La véritable menace, c'est le retour du PT », nous assure M. Sergio Davila, fonctionnaire au ministère de l'économie. « Les menaces de Bolsonaro, ce ne sont que des paroles en l'air. Alors que “Lula”, lui, va de nouveau financer des pays comme Cuba. Nous n'avons rien à gagner avec cette politique. » Des propos qui n'étonnent guère la députée du PT pour le District fédéral, Mme Erika Kokay : « Cela peut paraître incroyable mais, en effet, Jair Bolsonaro jouit d'un soutien solide parmi les fonctionnaires de Brasília, qui gagnent des salaires très confortables. Même lorsqu'il menaçait de détruire la démocratie, cet appui n'a jamais flanché. » À de très rares exceptions, ces fonctionnaires n'ont toutefois pas campé au milieu des « patriotes ».
Connivences militaires
En revanche, les familles de militaires étaient très présentes. Lors de ses visites régulières, l'épouse du général Eduardo Villas Bôas était fêtée comme une invitée de marque. Son mari, ancien commandant de l'armée, est un proche de M. Bolsonaro et l'auteur, en avril 2018, d'un tweet menaçant le STF d'une intervention militaire si les juges votaient contre l'emprisonnement de « Lula », alors accusé de corruption sans preuve (5). Bien que non officielle, la présence de proches des militaires au sein du campement était un secret de polichinelle. Elle explique peut-être en partie leur refus initial de démanteler le campement, le 8 janvier au soir, après l'invasion de la place des Trois-Pouvoirs. Ils s'y résoudront le 9 janvier au matin, après avoir laissé le temps aux putschistes de s'enfuir…
Depuis, le président Lula a limogé, le 21 janvier, le président Lula da Silva limoge M. Julio César de Arruda, le chef de l'armée de terre. Des fuites dans la presse suggèrent que sa décision a été motivée par le refus du militaire de démettre de ses fonctions un jeune gradé proche de M. Bolsonaro toujours en fonction au sein de l'administration. À cette occasion, le ministre de la défense reconnaît que « la confiance a été rompue » et réitère que « les enquêtes iront jusqu'au bout. “Lula” ne va rien pardonner aux insurgés, y compris s'ils sont militaires » (6).
Cette connivence entre forces de sécurité et militants bolsonaristes s'est illustrée dans de très nombreuses vidéos. Elle explique la facilité avec laquelle les militants d'extrême droite se sont introduits dans les bâtiments, avant de les mettre à sac pendant plus de deux heures. Certaines images suggèrent une ambiance bon enfant entre policiers, militaires et insurgés à l'extérieur du Congrès, tandis que la foule a déjà envahi le toit de la coupole. Une autre vidéo montre l'intérieur du bâtiment : la police est alignée et laisse passer les casseurs, alors que le cortège se rend au Salon vert, qui mène à l'Hémicycle. Les scènes les plus dérangeantes ont été tournées au sein du Planalto, le palais présidentiel. On y voit un commandant militaire tentant d'empêcher que la police militaire (PM, chargée de l'ordre) n'arrête les insurgés. D'autres vidéos du circuit interne de la vidéosurveillance du palais, qui n'ont pas été rendues publiques pour l'instant, seraient encore plus problématiques. « Je veux voir toutes les vidéos, a annoncé le président Lula da Silva, lors d'une conférence de presse le 11 janvier. Celles que j'ai déjà visionnées montrent une connivence des insurgés avec la police militaire, avec les forces armées. Je suis convaincu qu'on les a laissés entrer au Planalto, car il n'y a pas de porte cassée. »
Pour M. Renato Sérgio de Lima, directeur du Forum brésilien de sécurité publique (FBSP), une organisation non gouvernementale (ONG) spécialisée dans les questions de sécurité, cette collusion ne doit pas surprendre. « Nos études concluent à une très forte adhésion des forces de sécurité au bolsonarisme. Elles montrent par ailleurs que la radicalisation des troupes est allée crescendo, et de façon bien plus importante que dans le reste de la population. » L'ONG a par exemple établi qu'entre 2020 et 2021 le nombre de policiers qui participaient aux réseaux sociaux bolsonaristes a augmenté de 27 % (7). Plus d'un tiers des forces de l'ordre serait abonné à ces réseaux, dont 21 % aux pages les plus radicales. Dans le cas de la PM, qui comprend un contingent de plus de 400 000 policiers, 51 % des troupes suivraient les groupes bolsonaristes, dont 30 % les comptes plus radicaux. La police fédérale des routes (PRF), qui compte près de 13 000 membres, constituerait un autre foyer du bolsonarisme. « En quatre ans, ce corps de police a été mis complètement au service du président sortant et de son idéologie, complète Sérgio de Lima. On a vu la PRF réaliser des blocus le jour de l'élection dans le Nord-Est pour empêcher des électeurs de “Lula” d'aller voter. Elle a participé à des massacres dans les favelas aux côtés de la PM en 2022, alors que ce n'est absolument pas son rôle ni son terrain d'action. »
Lors d'un entretien sur la chaîne Globonews, le 12 janvier 2023, le ministre de la justice Flavio Dino a proclamé que le phénomène de radicalisation des forces de l'ordre allait faire l'objet de toute son attention. Quelques jours après l'invasion de la place des Trois-Pouvoirs, il invite d'ailleurs les spécialistes à lui remettre des propositions sur cette question. Cette invitation offre l'occasion d'une énième fake news de l'extrême droite : le ministre doit démentir sur Twitter qu'il aurait embauché le philosophe Michel Foucault pour l'épauler. « Je n'ai pas le pouvoir de ressusciter une personne décédée en 1984 », écrit le ministre le 14 janvier 2023.
Au cours des derniers mois, le complotisme débridé de la sphère bolsonariste atteint son apogée. Leurs groupes de discussion, en particulier sur l'application Telegram, diffusent les théories les plus farfelues, vues et reproduites des millions de fois dans tout le pays. Florilège.
Le 30 décembre, alors que M. Bolsonaro s'est envolé pour les États-Unis afin de ne pas avoir à remettre l'écharpe présidentielle à son successeur, les bolsonaristes sont persuadés qu'il suit en réalité un autre plan. « Il vient de remettre le pouvoir au vice-président. C'est lui, le général Mourão, qui va décréter l'intervention militaire, ce soir dans son allocution à la nation », nous explique très sérieusement M. Marcelo P., un retraité vivant à Brasília qui se rend tous les soirs au campement. Le lendemain pourtant, le vice-président ne décrète aucune intervention : il critique au contraire les campements devant les casernes dans son message télévisé. Les réseaux sociaux l'accablent : « un traître de plus » qui a abandonné le président et son armée.
Autre exemple. Une vidéo de M. Bolsonaro dans un supermarché en Floride est décortiquée par des militants qui interprètent le moindre mouvement de leur leader. Mme Ana Priscila Silva de Azevedo, dont la chaîne Telegram « La chute de Babylone » est suivie par près de 55 000 abonnés, publie immédiatement une vidéo pour annoncer « le début de la guerre. Vous avez vu qu'il [M. Bolsonaro] s'est arrêté devant les piles ? ». Dans la vidéo, M. Bolsonaro jette en effet machinalement un regard vers la gondole devant la caisse. « Il veut nous dire qu'il nous faut des piles pour les lampes et les radios, car la guerre va commencer ! », assure sur Telegram Mme Silva de Azevedo le 27 décembre 2022. Son arrestation, le 10 janvier, fera couler beaucoup d'encre. La militante aurait été protégée, puis exfiltrée, par les militaires, alors qu'elle avait été interpellée au sein du palais présidentiel. Elle a été arrêtée deux jours après les événements, à soixante kilomètres de Brasília. Elle croupit désormais en prison.
Mais on aurait sans doute tort de résumer le bolsonarisme à ses franges complotistes faciles à ridiculiser. M. Amaro Martins, par exemple, enrage. Il craint « la mort de notre mouvement conservateur. Pourquoi demander une intervention militaire ? Je n'ai jamais été d'accord avec cela ».
À une heure en voiture du centre de Rio de Janeiro, dans une de ces banlieues tristes de la périphérie, M. Martins a accepté de nous recevoir chez lui en octobre dernier. Seul luxe au milieu d'une maison modeste, une télévision qui trône au centre du salon. Ce dimanche d'octobre, il rentre tout juste du culte évangélique avec son épouse. À 42 ans, cheveux coupés ras et corps athlétique, M. Martins possède deux commerces modestes dans la ville de Campo Grande. Son épouse propose des soins d'esthéticienne, chez elle. Tout en préparant le repas, M. Martins évoque « [son] président », qu'il espère alors voir gagner l'élection : « Bolsonaro, je l'ai rencontré ici, dans un marché en 2014. Il était en campagne pour les législatives. Je l'ai tout de suite aimé. C'est un homme simple, un homme bon. » Cette année-là, M. Martins commence à s'intéresser à la politique, comme beaucoup de Brésiliens. En juin 2013, le Brésil connaît ses premiers soubresauts sociaux et politiques après dix ans de gouvernements du PT. Des manifestations géantes éclatent, initialement pour exiger plus de services publics. Mais elles sont vite récupérées par les franges les plus extrêmes de la droite. Les revendications mutent. La cible est désormais la présidente Dilma Rousseff, et la corruption qu'elle incarnerait. Le 20 juin 2013, déjà, des manifestants tentent d'envahir le Congrès et le ministère des affaires étrangères à Brasília, au cri de « PT dehors ».
« Je me suis formé en politique sur Internet, en suivant des cours sur YouTube », nous explique M. Martins, chrétien évangélique de l'Église baptiste depuis quinze ans, en nous montrant sur son téléphone la chaîne Terça Livre, créée en 2014 et animée par le blogueur Allan dos Santos. Condamné en 2021 à une peine de prison par le juge de Moraes pour avoir « incité à des actes antidémocratiques, diffusé des fake news et attaqué les autorités », dos Santos a fui aux États-Unis avec l'aide de la famille Bolsonaro et de ses réseaux. L'académie Terça Livre, dont les comptes YouTube et Twitter ont été suspendus par la justice, propose toujours sur son site des cours payants pour « se former » sur de vastes sujets tels que le communisme, le nazisme, la guerre de l'information, l'infiltration de la gauche dans l'Église catholique, etc. « C'est là que j'ai découvert ce qu'était le socialisme et que j'ai compris que j'étais un conservateur sans le savoir. Je suis contre l'érotisation des enfants, l'idéologie du genre que l'école enseigne et que la gauche a toujours promue », poursuit M. Martins.
M. Martins développe. « Plus je m'informe sur Internet et plus je comprends que le communisme est néfaste. Le PT nous fait détester les riches alors que ce sont eux qui créent l'emploi et améliorent la vie des pauvres. La gauche décrète des impôts qui compliquent la vie des plus modestes. Elle n'a jamais aidé les pauvres, elle les a utilisés », assène-t-il avec une soudaine véhémence. Pour l'historien Odilon Caldeira Neto, qui coordonne l'observatoire de l'extrême droite à l'université fédérale de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), « ce mélange de libéralisme assumé et de valeurs conservatrices religieuses est depuis toujours l'idéologie principale de l'extrême droite brésilienne. Elle continue de convaincre des millions de Brésiliens ».
« Seul contre tous »
Monsieur Renato O. préfère ne pas donner son nom complet à la presse. Ce représentant de commerce pour une marque de glaces depuis plus de vingt ans a aussi accepté de nous rencontrer pour expliquer son soutien à l'ancien président, en ce début décembre. Il se dirige comme tous les week-ends vers le campement des bolsonaristes à Belo Horizonte, capitale de l'État du Minas Gerais, au nord de Rio de Janeiro. Il a revêtu son maillot de la seleção et s'installe là, sur le trottoir, à côté d'autres « patriotes ». Près de cinq cents personnes sont présentes ce dimanche ensoleillé. Ce qu'il aime en particulier dans ce mouvement, c'est le patriotisme : « Bolsonaro nous a fait comprendre que le Brésil était un grand pays ; il a réveillé le patriotisme en nous. Avant, je disais que le Brésil était corrompu, qu'on ne changerait jamais, mais j'ai évolué avec ce mouvement et je sais maintenant que j'appartiens à une grande nation. » Renato reprend le discours victimaire sur lequel joue volontiers M. Bolsonaro : « Le STF, le Congrès, personne ne l'a laissé gouverner. Et puis même les militaires, auxquels il a donné des milliers de postes, l'ont abandonné. Il est seul contre tous. » Les « patriotes » sont les derniers à le soutenir…
Renato n'est pas armé mais ne cache pas qu'il est prêt à prendre les armes. « Nous n'allons pas avoir le choix, il va falloir qu'on s'engage à un moment si l'on veut défendre notre pays », nous explique très froidement ce représentant de commerce à deux semaines de Noël. Le 10 janvier, nous l'appelons au téléphone : lui ne s'est pas rendu à Brasília. Mais il est en colère, « inquiet pour Bolsonaro », persuadé que « des infiltrés de gauche ont provoqué ce chaos pour détruire le mouvement » et désemparé « face à la lourdeur des peines qui vont être requises contre les patriotes ».
Ce même jour, M. Ricardo Cappelli — désigné par le ministre de la justice pour diriger l'intervention fédérale et reprendre en main la sécurité de Brasília — explique à la presse que « les policiers ont fait face à de véritables professionnels, des gens qui ont été formés et préparés, qui avaient une notion des tactiques de confrontation, qui avaient des gants pour récupérer et lancer des grenades et des objets. Là aussi, nous devons découvrir qui a financé, préparé et organisé cet assaut ».
Le président Lula da Siva se dit désormais décidé à mettre au jour le bras financier et armé du bolsonarisme. En dépit de son échec, ce mouvement ultraconservateur vient de faire la démonstration de sa détermination à survivre au dirigeant politique qui a présidé à son émergence sur la scène politique brésilienne. Il n'est pas impossible que « Lula » soit de nouveau confronté à cette force.
The U.S. Supreme Court has denied an emergency petition from the Trump administration, which sought a stay on a lower court’s injunction on a policy that would have denied gender-affirming care to federally incarcerated transgender people.
That policy was implemented by the Bureau of Prisons (BOP) after President Donald Trump signed an executive order in January 2025 that denied the existence of transgender people. The order also directed federal agencies to take steps that would be consistent with that view, and included specific instructions for the BOP.
“The Attorney General shall ensure that the Bureau of Prisons revises its policies concerning medical care to be consistent with this order, and shall ensure that no Federal funds are expended for any medical procedure, treatment, or drug for the purpose of conforming an inmate’s appearance to that of the opposite sex,” the order reads.
After the BOP conformed to the order, a group of incarcerated trans people who had been receiving gender-affirming care sued the administration. The group is being represented by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which argued that their Eighth Amendment protections against cruel and unusual punishment were being infringed upon.
A federal judge agreed, and, in August, ordered the policy to be blocked. The Trump administration challenged that finding, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld it, prompting Solicitor General John Sauer to submit an emergency appeal to the Supreme Court.
The court has regularly ruled against transgender people, allowing state bans on trans athletes’ participation in sports, ruling in favor of a ban on transgender people in the military, and upholding state laws that bar gender-affirming care for trans children and teens. Yet on Wednesday, the court denied the Trump administration’s request.
“The application for stay presented to The Chief Justice and by him referred to the Court is denied,” the order read, giving no further explanation. Two justices for the court — Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas — would have granted the Trump administration’s request for a stay, the document said.
Around 1,000 federally incarcerated trans people have also been diagnosed with gender dysphoria. The ruling means these individuals can continue receiving gender-affirming care while they remain in federal prisons or jails and the case moves forward in the lower courts.
This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on Oct. 21, 2026.It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.
Democratic US congressional candidate Brad Lander said Wednesday that he was released by Israeli forces with a “warning” after he and dozens of others were detained while helping Palestinians harvest olives in the illegally occupied West Bank.
“Several dozen rabbis and participants harvesting olives with me are still in detention,” Lander, who is Jewish, wrote on social media. “They should all be released immediately. To be clear: Palestinians face far worse consequences every day. These detentions by the IDF are one more attempt to undermine Palestinians’ right to harvest their olive groves, travel on their roads, and live in their homes.”
Prior to his release, Lander posted a video from a bus that he said was “taking us away for processing” after settler security called the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) on the group harvesting olives.
“Let’s be clear: Occupation is a crime under international law,” said Lander, who is running to represent New York’s 10th Congressional District in the US House of Representatives. “Harvesting olives is not a crime under any law.”
I’ve been released from IDF custody with a “warning,” apparently because of my public profile (I told them I wasn’t even a congressmember yet, just a nominee).But several dozen rabbis & participants harvesting olives with me are still in detention.
Lander was part of a group of around 80 American and Israeli rabbis and activists who were detained by the IDF on Wednesday as they helped Palestinians harvest olives from a grove near an Israeli settlement in the West Bank. Israeli lawyers toldNPR that the incident marked “the largest mass detention of activists in the occupied West Bank in at least a decade.”
Jeremy Ben-Ami, president of the US-based advocacy group J Street, said in response to the detentions that “when the government of Israel and its military and law enforcement are arresting rabbis and volunteers who have journeyed 6000 miles to protect Palestinian farmers harvesting olives and not the violent terrorists harassing and attacking the farmers—it tells you all you need to know about this government’s moral compass.”
“This illegal and immoral occupation must end,” he added.
Heba Morayef, Amnesty International’s regional director for the Middle East and North Africa, said in a statement earlier this week that “Israel’s apartheid system is turning the olive harvest into a season of horror for Palestinian families across the occupied West Bank.”
“States must recognize that settler attacks are not isolated acts, but a central policy of the Israeli state,” said Morayef, calling on nations to “take concrete measures to respect their obligations under international law and to avoid complicity in Israeli violations and crimes against Palestinians by halting all trade, investment, and cooperation that contribute to maintaining the unlawful occupation, apartheid, and the ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing.”
“Hiding behind empty rhetoric is not only cowardly, it is enabling further abuses,” she added. “For Palestinians, it continues to be deadly.”
Login
