© Reduan/EPA
Italy and Spain have agreed to work towards ending their reciprocal Schengen border controls following discussions between Prime Ministers Giorgia Meloni and Pedro Sánchez at the European Council summit in Brussels. Rome nevertheless extended its restrictions for another seven days on Friday, 16 October, as the two governments consider how to bring their respective measures to an end.
The decision marks a possible turning point in a dispute that has disrupted travel between two of the European Union’s largest countries since the summer. According to the notifications recorded by the European Commission, the restrictions concern air and sea connections between Italy and Spain, which do not share a land border.
The two governments have instructed their interior ministers to consider alternative arrangements over the coming week. Although neither side has formally withdrawn its measures, the agreement to coordinate their removal suggests that both capitals are seeking a way out of an increasingly uncomfortable confrontation over migration and internal European security.
The dispute began after an extraordinary influx of migrants from Morocco into Spain’s North African enclave of Ceuta in late July. More than 72,000 people crossed the border, prompting serious questions about the management of the EU’s external borders and the possibility of onward movements into other member states.
Italy responded by introducing checks on passengers arriving from Spain, arguing that the situation created risks for public order and internal security. Rome also raised concerns about the possible movement of individuals presenting security threats, although the extent of any such movement remained disputed.
Madrid rejected the justification and introduced reciprocal measures. What began as an emergency response to events on an external border consequently developed into a disagreement about whether one Schengen member could impose restrictions on another on the basis of anticipated migration movements.
EU Today examined the original Spanish retaliation in August, when the dispute first threatened to turn temporary border controls into an instrument of political pressure.
The wider consequences of the Ceuta incident have raised questions about the vulnerabilities exposed at the EU’s external border and the effectiveness of common European migration and crisis-response policy.
Schengen is built on the principle that people can travel between participating countries without routine internal border checks. Member states nevertheless retain the right to reintroduce temporary controls in response to serious threats to public policy or internal security, subject to the requirements of EU law.
The difficulty lies in determining when those exceptional powers are justified. Italy has maintained that the Ceuta crisis warranted precautionary action. Spain has argued that controls imposed specifically on travellers from its territory were unjustified and discriminatory.
These opposing positions matter beyond the two countries. If concerns over irregular arrivals in one member state become sufficient grounds for another to introduce sustained checks, the distinction between Europe’s external borders and its internal travel area becomes increasingly difficult to maintain.
The operational results have also entered the political argument. Italian figures cited during the dispute indicate that nearly half a million passengers were checked during the first month, with 31 refused entry. Those numbers demonstrate that the measures were substantial, but do not by themselves establish whether the original security concerns were proportionate to the restrictions imposed.
Madrid, meanwhile, has maintained that migrants involved in the Ceuta influx had not moved onwards to mainland Spain in the manner suggested by Italian concerns.
The latest discussions offer both governments a route towards de-escalation without formally conceding their underlying positions. Meloni can present the additional week of controls as a continuation of Italy’s security precautions, while Sánchez can point to an agreement to prepare their coordinated removal.
The two prime ministers remain politically divided on migration. Meloni has consistently argued for stronger border enforcement and deterrence, while Sánchez has defended an approach incorporating legalisation and labour-market integration for migrants already living in Spain.
Those disagreements were also visible during the Brussels summit, where European leaders returned to the question of migration management and the consequences of national decisions for the wider Union.
For Brussels, the immediate concern is whether the two governments can replace competing national restrictions with arrangements that address security concerns without unnecessarily interrupting movement between Schengen countries.
A coordinated end to the controls would not resolve the underlying problems exposed by Ceuta. It would, however, remove one of the more unusual internal consequences of that crisis and demonstrate that political negotiations can still prevent emergency border measures from becoming semi-permanent.
The decisive period is now the coming week. Whether the controls expire as planned will depend on the discussions between the Italian and Spanish interior ministries and their ability to agree practical alternatives.
© REDUAN/EPA
Uma em cada três crianças em Portugal vive com excesso de peso e a Associação Portuguesa Contra a Obesidade Infantil (APCOI) abre uma nova área dedicada às autarquias e convida câmaras municipais e juntas de freguesia do Algarve a tornarem-se parceiras oficiais do Desafio Escolar Heróis da Fruta.
Os dados mais recentes revelam uma realidade alarmante: uma em cada três crianças em Portugal vive com excesso de peso ou obesidade, e cerca de 70% não consome fruta ou vegetais em quantidade suficiente todos os dias, pelo que para inverter este cenário, a APCOI inicia uma nova fase do programa “Heróis da Fruta”, a maior iniciativa em Portugal de literacia alimentar em ambiente escolar, que já alcançou 1 milhão de alunos da educação pré-escolar (jardim de infância) e do 1.º ciclo do ensino básico.
A APCOI lançou esta quinta-feira, 15 de outubro, um website dedicado às autarquias – desafio.heroisdafruta.com/autarquias -, e convida as câmaras municipais e as juntas de freguesia de todo o país, incluindo o Algarve, a tornarem-se parceiras oficiais do projeto.
Ser autarquia parceira é gratuito e assenta em três passos simples:
O registo dá acesso a uma área reservada, onde a parceria é formalizada com a assinatura digital de um protocolo de cooperação. Na mesma página, qualquer pessoa pode consultar, em tempo real, as escolas de cada concelho e freguesia do distrito já inscritas neste ano letivo. Os agrupamentos e as escolas podem inscrever as suas turmas, também gratuitamente, até 31 de outubro.
O modelo gratuito gera resultados; o modelo 2,0 cofinanciado multiplica o impacto. A versão nacional do desafio, gratuita, já muda hábitos nas escolas de todo o país. Com o cofinanciamento de parceiros locais, os resultados podem ser ainda maiores.
Foi o que mostrou o projeto-piloto “Heróis da Fruta 2.0”, testado em Lisboa, no passado ano letivo, em parceria com a Junta de Freguesia da Ajuda e no âmbito do programa Cities for Better Health da Novo Nordisk, com avaliação de resultados realizada pelo Instituto de Saúde Ambiental da Faculdade de Medicina da Universidade de Lisboa (ISAMB-FMUL). Comparado com a edição nacional:
“Alimentação saudável nas escolas não é um gasto, é um dos melhores investimentos que uma autarquia pode fazer. Na Freguesia da Ajuda demonstrámos que, quando a autarquia e as escolas dão as mãos, conseguimos mudar efetivamente as lancheiras dos nossos alunos”, afirma Jorge Marques, Presidente da Junta de Freguesia da Ajuda, durante 1.ª Conferência Heróis da Fruta.
Sobre os ingredientes secretos do projeto-piloto da Ajuda, o presidente da APCOI explica que “talvez o mais simples de todos: cada criança sabia que, no final das 5 semanas, as mascotes do Heróis da Fruta iam visitar a sua escola para entregar os diplomas e os prémios de participação. Quem não se esforçaria por isso? É esta motivação que queremos levar a cada vez mais escolas do país”, diz Mário Silva.
A avaliação científica independente realizada pelo Instituto de Saúde Ambiental da Faculdade de Medicina da Universidade de Lisboa provou que o programa “Heróis da Fruta” funciona como um promotor de equidade social.
As crianças de famílias com menores rendimentos (escalões A e B da Ação Social Escolar) foram as que demonstraram os maiores ganhos comportamentais, atingindo 64% de consumo regular de frutas e vegetais no final da intervenção.
Para os professores, o método de gamificação (jogos, canções e missões diárias) representa uma ferramenta simples e sem sobrecarga burocrática. “Inscrever os meus alunos nos ‘Heróis da Fruta’ já faz parte da preparação do meu ano letivo. São apenas 5 a 10 minutos diários de incentivo positivo. Se uma criança se esquece de levar fruta, os colegas partilham para que todos possam pintar a sua estrela no passaporte. Cria um espírito de entreajuda lindo na sala de aula”, afirmou Carla Teodoro, professora do 1.º ciclo, durante 1.ª Conferência Heróis da Fruta.
“Não conseguimos chegar a todas as crianças sozinhos. Precisamos das autarquias e dos parceiros locais para escalar este modelo e garantir que nenhuma criança da região fica para trás na prevenção da obesidade”, argumenta Mário Silva, Presidente da APCOI.
A APCOI convoca os decisores políticos e escolares e as associações de pais do Algarve a unirem-se e a aderirem a esta iniciativa.
As autarquias interessadas podem registar-se, sem custos, clicando aqui, cujo registo dá acesso à área reservada, onde a parceria é formalizada com a assinatura digital de um protocolo de cooperação.
Sobre a APCOI
Fundada em 2010, a Associação Portuguesa Contra a Obesidade Infantil (APCOI) é uma ONG sem fins lucrativos dedicada a apoiar crianças e famílias no combate à obesidade infantil, a doença crónica mais prevalente em idade pediátrica. A atuação da APCOI foca-se na prevenção, no reforço da literacia em saúde e no combate ao estigma.
Two tankers caught fire within about 12 hours off Sulina, Romania’s port at the mouth of the Danube, Romanian authorities reported. The crew of one said a drone hit it inside Romania’s territorial waters, while Bucharest says it is still checking whether drones were involved. Bulgaria, where drones sank ships in its economic zone this month, says it lacks proof that Russia launched them.
For months, Russia has struck civilian ships on the sea route that carries most of Ukraine’s farm exports, while its drones have repeatedly crossed into Moldova and Romania during attacks on Ukraine. As long as Bucharest and Sofia wait for drone wreckage before naming anyone, Russia, the party Bulgaria’s own prime minister says the logic points to, pays no price for extending its war on Ukraine’s trade routes into NATO members’ waters.
The San Marino-flagged chemical tanker Wine Trader reported a fire in its superstructure around 07:00 on 15 October while anchored in Romanian territorial waters about 13 nautical miles southeast of Sulina, Romania’s Naval Authority said. By midday, five of its 12 crew had been recovered and seven were still missing.
Hours earlier, at 01:34, a drone entered Romanian airspace over the country’s waters southeast of Sulina for about a minute before vanishing from radar, the Defense Ministry said. Authorities have not named a cause for the fire, though unnamed sources
When European Union leaders meet in Brussels later on Thursday (15 October), migration will be high on the agenda. Amid political panic — real and manufactured — over the events in Ceuta this summer, the European Commission has come out with a five-point plan promising more border surveillance and policing, more dodgy deals with countries outside the EU, and more deportations.
It also includes an ominous plan to devise a new “emergency response instrument” that could allow for the total suspension of access to asylum, which is likely to result in summary mass deportations, in situations when third countries are blamed for ‘instrumentalising’ migration movements.
That the idea is even on the table is a measure of how far the EU’s approach to migration has degenerated.
There is a jarring disconnect between commission president Ursula von der Leyen’s insistence on European values and the rules-based order and the willingness to throw the right to asylum out the window.
It is a short-sighted and dangerous hypocrisy that will harm women, men, and children at EU borders and potentially beyond if it encourages other states to adopt a similar approach.
If a 20-year-old man I interviewed in Ceuta in August were at the summit in Brussels, he might help guide the debate back to the realities of why people flee and seek safety, their needs and aspirations and hopefully toward a policy informed by shared humanity.
He told me he escaped from his village in Somalia in November 2024 when the Islamist armed group Al-Shabab attacked it. He went to Libya and spent six months detained in a smuggler’s warehouse in Kufra, where he said he witnessed many deaths from nightly beatings. He escaped, reached Morocco, and after months of hardship there saw his chance to seek safety on 31 July, when he swam to Ceuta.
It may well be that instrumentalisation played a role, among many other factors, in the arrival of more than 72,000 people there during two days at the end of July.
For many, the decision to cross may have been opportunistic and fuelled by disinformation on social media. Yet that cannot justify violence, summary returns, degrading treatment, or denying access to asylum procedures, in Ceuta or elsewhere.
Among the thousands who have remained in Ceuta are asylum seekers from strife-torn Somalia, Sudan, Yemen, Chad, and elsewhere.
Suspending asylum completely would not only thwart their chances to find protection. It would rupture the EU’s commitment to the rules-based international order in a profound way.
The right to seek asylum is embedded in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the related prohibition of refoulement — sending someone to a place where they face serious harm — is a red line through international human rights and refugee law.
The focus on deterrence and externalisation over the past decade – coinciding with the growing influence of the far-right in European politics – has arguably made this previously unthinkable option part of the conversation.
Both Greece (temporarily in 2020 and 2025) and Poland (continuously at its border with Belarus since March 2025) have suspended asylum without significant reaction from the commission or other member states.
The EU Pact on Migration and Asylum, fully enacted as of June, undermines the right to asylum in myriad ways. A new Return Regulation portends deportations to third countries despite the documented harm of these kinds of transfers.
The Crisis Regulation, part of the pact, already allows a member state to depart from normal border procedures and curtail important safeguards in a situation of mass arrivals and/or when a third country or hostile non-state actor instrumentalises migration. While the regulation causes concern about potential misuse and unjustified restrictions on access to asylum, it does not allow for wholesale suspension of the right.
I met the young man from Somalia at the height of the humanitarian and rights crisis in Ceuta.
A difficult situation was compounded by recriminations against Spain from other EU countries, exploitation by far-right groups, and neglect and hostility that led to people living on the streets, in the forests, and in makeshift huts on the beach in an apparent effort to compel them to go back to Morocco. It took Spain weeks to begin housing and registering people.
Spain did not invoke the Crisis regulation. Rather than adding new measures, policymakers should be wrestling with why it didn’t use supposedly tailor-made EU legislation and addressing how mismanagement and a finger-pointing lack of cooperation among EU states create an endless loop of crises that feed xenophobia.
EU leaders should keep sight of the people affected and basic principles at stake. They should reject approaches to migration that so clearly violate fundamental rights and normalise cruelty.
As EU leaders gather in Brussels on Thursday and Friday (15-16 October) to discuss, among other things, the issue of Europe’s southern border, countless Moroccan families cling to the hope they may see their children again after they entered the Spanish enclave of Ceuta in north Africa in July.
“Ayoub left on 30 July at 2PM. Since that day, I haven’t heard anything from him, apart from the fact that he went to Ceuta,” his brother said.
Ayoub Elkhamlichi was 27 when he left the north of Morocco for the nearby border with Ceuta, a half-hour drive from his home.
In the commotion that accompanied the rush of an estimated 72,000 mostly Moroccans into the enclave over 30 and 31 July 2026, 141 people were reported to have lost their lives while attempting the crossing.
Those that have not been heard of since that deadly July remain innumerable.
Among them is Ayoub, who had been working in a local konafa shop before leaving.
His brother Mohamed Ali laments that he’d forgotten his ID card, which will reduce the chances he’ll be identified if he’s ever found.
“The border with Ceuta was opened, so everyone left Morocco, because the city of Tetouan offers few job opportunities,” Mohamed Ali told EUobserver, from his home in one of Morocco’s closest cities to the Spanish border.
“Ayoub managed to find a job, but the pay was low. So he went to Ceuta,” he said. His family, meanwhile, “are in a state of anxiety and fear.”
It has been 11 weeks since Khaled’s dad Said has also seen his son, 26, who left for Ceuta from Tidass, a small Moroccan town, which Said said “has its problems.”
This article continues, but the full version is available only to EUobserver.com subscribers. Visit account.euobserver.com/membership
© MARISCAL/EPA
In a remarkably forceful address, Felipe VI of Spain on Tuesday asserted Ceuta’s ‘sovereignty’ and ‘territorial integrity,’ two and a half months after more than 80,000 people crossed illegally from Morocco in an unprecedented mass incursion into the Spanish exclave city in northern Africa.
© LAURA RINCON/EPA
© CHEMA MOYA/EPA
© Kiko Huesca/EPA
© Borja Puig de la Bellacasa/Moncloa HANDOUT/EPA
© Ballesteros/EPA
© RAFAEL PENA/EPA
Brussels (European Newsroom) – The European Union should improve how it detects and connects early warnings at its external borders after the mass arrival of migrants in the Spanish autonomous city Ceuta in July, said the chief of the EU border agency Frontex, Hans Leijtens, while insisting that responsibility for border protection must remain with member states.
“I think we should improve our situational awareness as Europe, and Frontex can play an important role in that,” Leijtens told journalists of the European Newsroom network in Brussels.
He said a broader picture could be built from satellites, aircraft, observers on the ground and information from social media. Much of the information was already available, he said, but needed to be better connected.
The remarks come as the European Commission floated plans for a Frontex rapid-response team that could deploy within 24 hours in a crisis. The team would still be sent only at the request of a member state, according to an action plan presented by EU migration commissioner Magnus Brunner in late September. The plan also envisages a larger role for Frontex in returns.
Leijtens said he did not expect a new Frontex mandate to change the basic division of responsibility. “There I would find it difficult because not only in our mandate but in general protecting European borders is a member state responsibility and we can’t take over responsibility,” he said.
He described the events in Ceuta as more of a public-order issue than a conventional border incident. Ceuta, a Spanish exclave in northern Africa, saw a sudden mass crossing from Morocco on July 30–31, 2026, triggering a diplomatic dispute among EU countries. Spanish estimates rose from about 72,000 to 80,000 arrivals, while Morocco cited about 40,000. Many people returned before being registered, making the final total uncertain. According to news reports, some 83 people died, and the crisis reignited debate over EU border control, asylum rules, solidarity and Frontex’s role.
The episode raised a further question for the EU’s early-warning debate: whether the challenge was detecting the signals, sharing them or responding to them.
Leijtens said the deaths were horrifying and should be prevented. “The fact that so many people lost their lives is absolutely horrifying and something we should prevent.”
The European People’s Party leader Manfred Weber had called for Frontex to take command in a crisis such as Ceuta. The Commission’s rapid-response plan, by contrast, retains the requirement that a Member State request assistance.
The Commission’s proposal for a revised Frontex mandate is expected by the end of October.
Login